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1.
The distribution of UK revenue to the regional and territorial governments, administrations and authorities that spend the money is based on a hotchpotch of badly designed formulae. This is widely recognised. The Barnett formula, which allocates money to the devolved territories, has been attacked from all sides, its consequences described as ‘terribly unfair’ by its progenitor, Lord Barnett. The mechanism by which resources are distributed to local authorities within the English regions has been abandoned by the government, although its replacement has not yet been determined. This paper argues that a common basis for government spending across the regions and territories of the UK will be more equitable and efficient, and may even depoliticise the financial framework of the UK.  相似文献   

2.
《公共资金与管理》2013,33(3):137-146
This article examines the impact of the Barnett formula on the Scottish public finances since devolution. Forecasts of a spending squeeze and budgetary constraint have not materialized and Scotland's share of the UK budget has remained stable. The real budgetary problem for the Scottish Parliament has been managing spending growth not squeeze. While there are calls to replace Barnett, its benefits in terms of providing budgetary stability and the flexibility to deal with specific funding problems are significant and Barnett is well suited to the incremental approach through which the British public finances are managed.  相似文献   

3.
This article examines the impact of the Barnett formula on the Scottish public finances since devolution. Forecasts of a spending squeeze and budgetary constraint have not materialized and Scotland's share of the UK budget has remained stable. The real budgetary problem for the Scottish Parliament has been managing spending growth not squeeze. While there are calls to replace Barnett, its benefits in terms of providing budgetary stability and the flexibility to deal with specific funding problems are significant and Barnett is well suited to the incremental approach through which the British public finances are managed.  相似文献   

4.
Scotland has much higher public expenditure per head than England, but little work has been done to compare Scottish and English needs. We compare their needs for school education, and we show that if the Formula Spending Share approach that is used to estimate English local authorities' needs were applied in Scotland, then Scotland would be found to need about 3 per cent more per pupil than England; however, this English approach may slightly underestimate Scotland's needs. We also show that the Grant Aided Expenditure approach that is actually used to estimate Scottish local authorities' needs may be about 7 per cent more generous than the English approach. Finally, we find that the correlation between the relative education needs for different authorities as assessed by the Scottish approach and their relative needs as assessed by the English approach is only modest; this implies that there may be serious shortcomings in at least one approach.  相似文献   

5.
We provide empirical evidence on the labour market impacts of COVID-19 in the UK and assess the effectiveness of mitigation policies. We estimate the relationship between employment outcomes and occupational and industrial characteristics and assess the effects on consumption. Seventy per cent of households in the bottom fifth of the earnings distribution hold insufficient assets to maintain current spending for more than one week. We compare the effectiveness of the UK's Coronavirus Job Retention Scheme and of Economic Impact Payments in the US. The EIPs are more effective at mitigating consumption reductions as they have full coverage, depend on household structure and are higher for low-income workers.  相似文献   

6.
In 1997, the Labour Party was elected in the UK with few explicitly articulated ideas about social security reforms. This paper reviews the large number of subsequent reforms to social security, and argues that some consistent themes have emerged. A commitment to keep to the tight spending plans of the previous, Conservative, administration left little scope for increases in benefit spending during the first two years in office. Since that time, increases in the generosity of some social security programmes have been directed towards achieving certain goals. An emphasis on encouraging paid work has been a consistent theme, whilst aims of reducing poverty rates for children and pensioners have been emphasised since 1999. Spending to achieve these goals has often been directed through means‐tested programmes, and there has been a related weakening of the link between paid National Insurance contributions and benefit entitlements. It remains to be seen whether reforms to the process of income assessment will increase take‐up.  相似文献   

7.
The UK's National Health Service (NHS) is facing its most serious financial crisis since its inception and positive, enduring, fundamental changes need to be made if the NHS is to survive as a financially sustainable entity. This article looks at the costs of lifestyle self-abuse behaviour (over 15% of the total NHS spending) and proposes a new tax to offset the costs of treatment and preventative education. The idea is applicable to other countries facing similar problems.  相似文献   

8.
This paper tests the hypothesis that the stimulative effects of intergovernmental grants increase with the marginal cost of public funds of the recipient government. We present a simple theoretical framework that shows how a lump-sum transfer stimulates the marginal expenditures of a recipient government through an income effect and a price effect. We then test the prediction of this model using Canadian provincial data and exploit the discontinuity in the equalization grants allocation formula to identify the effects of grants. Our results indicate that the stimulative effects of lump-sum grants on spending increase with the provincial government’s marginal cost of public funds (MCF). One policy implication of our results is that higher intergovernmental transfers may be welfare improving if the federal government has a lower MCF than the provinces.  相似文献   

9.
The authors consider the effectiveness of legislative mechanisms for devolving state powers on an incremental basis in the UK. There has been considerable critical debate about how these have worked but there have been few detailed studies. This article analyses the case of UK transport devolution to Wales in 2005–06 and finds mixed evidence. While the legislative process was ultimately advantageous to effective policy devolution as perceived both by central and devolved government, it also highlighted the problems of dependency on UK legislative discretion.  相似文献   

10.
In this paper we consider attitudes of human resource managers towards the employment and employability of disabled people in United Kingdom (UK) accounting firms. Only one study [Duff, A., Ferguson, R.J., in press. Disability and accounting firms: Evidence from the UK. Critical Perspectives on Accounting] has considered the employment of disabled people in accounting firms, despite a growing number of studies considering gender, race and social class in accounting employment. This dearth of evidence is unexpected given the passing of disability rights legislation in the UK in 1995 and the United States of America in 1990. Our investigation utilizes nine semi-structured interviews with human resource managers (or their equivalent) in large and medium-sized UK accounting firms. Three participants are from the Big Four firms, which dominate the market for accounting and auditing services. Views were elicited regarding: (i) drivers of disability awareness, (ii) the role of partners, (iii) how firms view disability, (iv) impairments firms view as a problem, and (v) job applications. Participants’ responses indicate an awareness of existing legislation governing disability issues, in particular, the UK's Disability Discrimination Act, 1995. However, there is evidence that accounting firms restrict their understanding of disability to legal definitions. The study identifies specific impairments which firms see as impediments to employment and critically assesses firms’ perceptions of the employability of disabled people.  相似文献   

11.
《公共资金与管理》2013,33(3):179-185

This article explores the change in relationships taking place between the National Assembly for Wales and UK government. The context for this is the rationale, constituent elements and timespan of an integrated transport policy for Wales, and the author draws on evidence to, and reports from, the House of Commons, the National Assembly, the Wales Office and the report of the Richard Commission on the Assembly's powers. Wales can be seen as a case study of how devolution, and the development of transport policy in a devolved context, have progressed; it is argued that the principles apply to other devolved governments in the UK and elected assemblies.  相似文献   

12.
This paper explores the extent of current UK government spending on science and technology placed in its recent historical context. The allocation of this spending across the different arms of government, the primary purposes of the expenditures undertaken and the extent to which the government performs as well as funds R&D are also explored, with some international comparisons analysed. The political and institutional processes that determine the revealed patterns of expenditure in the UK, the rationales behind such spending and the aims and objectives of the main spending departments are discussed, as is the interaction with EU expenditures on science and technology. The effectiveness of or pay-off to government support of this kind is also considered before future spending plans are addressed.  相似文献   

13.
This paper develops a theoretical explanation why it may be optimal for higher-level governments to pay categorical block grants or closed-ended matching grants to local governments. We consider a federation with two types of local governments which differ in the cost of providing public goods. The federal government redistributes between jurisdictions, but cannot observe the type of a jurisdiction. In this asymmetric information setting, it is shown that the second-best optimum can be implemented with the help of categorical block grants and closed-ended matching grants, but not with unconditional block grants or open-ended matching grants. JEL Code: H77, D82  相似文献   

14.
This paper explains how the UK central government has changed accountability and audit arrangements for local government in England, while retaining its approach to setting annual budgets within the context of multi-year spending reviews. It highlights how dismantling the institutions and processes that monitored outputs and outcomes for spending, such as public service agreements and comprehensive area assessment, meant that top-down accountability became focused overwhelmingly on financial conformance rather than organizational performance for local government. Supplementary reforms to increase the transparency or ‘visibility’ of public administration, and thereby enable greater bottom-up accountability, have resulted in a performance assessment system that is neither rigorous nor standardized. The overall result is a weakening of local accountability arrangements.  相似文献   

15.
This paper analyses the effects of a one-off fiscal restriction on Flemish local government spending. The authors provide evidence of a ‘flypaper effect’: fiscal restriction stimulated the sensitivity of local spending to grants. This means that higher-level governments (regional/national/supranational) need to take a flypaper effect into account when considering one-off fiscal restrictions on lower-level governments.  相似文献   

16.
Brexit has produced a lot of uncertainties in the UK, not the least of which are the future of protections that have been derived from EU social policy Directives. Arguably, the UK's membership in the EU has pushed it further into a socially liberal and protective framework that it might not have adopted had it remained outside of the EU's sphere of influence. The question now is what direction the UK will take with regard to both the rescue culture and the social protections, both of which have been highly influenced by EU law and policy. The UK has ever been the “odd man out” in the EU, springing as it does from a significantly different legal origin than the Franco/German model at the heart of the EU. Examining the developmental path of other common law jurisdictions (America, Canada, and Australia) whose legal systems are derived from the British may be instructive in relation to the direction the UK might have taken had it not joined the EU, with a particular focus on the employment protections derived from the EU which are often applicable during insolvency and rescue procedures. An analysis of this counterfactual position may then also provide a clue or forecast as to the direction that the UK may take following Brexit.  相似文献   

17.
Political donations in the UK have been subject to comprehensive disclosure since 2001. We study the data produced as part of this disclosure policy to evaluate the role of private and public political finance over time. Total political donations have grown by nearly 250 per cent since 2001, reaching over £100 million in real terms for the first time in 2019. This increase has been driven by donations from private individuals, who now account for approximately 60 per cent of donations in election years compared to 40–50 per cent up to the late 2010s. Furthermore, ‘super-donors’ (those contributing more than £100,000) have been a prominent driver of the rise, increasing their own share from approximately 31 per cent in 2017 to 45 per cent in 2019. We also show that private donations to the Labour Party fell sharply in the final stages of Jeremy Corbyn's leadership. These trends have benefited the Conservative Party, leading to a historic donation gap between the two main parties emerging circa 2019. We calculate that this gap between parties now stands at approximately £27 million compared to a historic average of £8–£10 million. This gap remains even after considering publicly funded ‘Short’ money provided to the opposition, which aims to increase competitive balance in the UK's democratic system.  相似文献   

18.
This article explores policy development under the Scottish National Party (SNP) government, focusing on education policy. As a minority government the SNP needs to govern on the basis of co-operation and consensus. It has presented itself as a party with capacity for government but limited by the restricted autonomy of devolution. The ability to pass large amounts of legislation is more challenging for a minority government. Building new relationships with partners has been a key part of the SNP's approach to governing. This marks a shift in governing style in Scotland highlighting the importance of ‘discourse’ where texts (including speech) are used to promote policy aims and agendas.  相似文献   

19.
This paper deals with local fiscal equalisation in Austria. The system of intergovernmental relations in Austria includes different regulations in order to equalise differences in the fiscal capacity of the municipalities. This leads to so‐called ‘compensation effects’, because additional revenues from a local government's own tax are (at least partly) compensated by losses from equalisation grants. This paper carries out a detailed analysis of these compensation effects. It is shown that they create strong fiscal disincentives for the local governments: on average, 55 per cent of additional revenues from the communal tax (which is the most important of a local government's own taxes) are compensated by losses of equalisation grants. In extreme cases, local governments can lose up to 144 per cent of the additional tax yields collected. These local governments would be better off if they made no effort to increase their tax base.  相似文献   

20.
Tom Sefton 《Fiscal Studies》2002,23(3):369-399
This paper examines the cost‐effectiveness of the new Home Energy Efficiency Scheme (HEES), a key component of the UK government's Fuel Poverty Strategy. The impact on the fuel poverty gap is simulated using data on a large‐scale and representative sample of households in England. The scope for improving the scheme's targeting is considered by examining the optimal allocation of grants between households. The extent to which these potential gains might be achieved in practice using pragmatic criteria for distributing grants, and the implications of taking into account the dynamics of fuel poverty and the self‐selection of grant applicants, are also explored. The current scheme is unlikely to have a very significant impact on fuel poverty, and considerable gains could be achieved by redesigning HEES, although the paper also highlights the difficulties involved in efficient targeting, including some additional complications not encountered in the analysis of more traditional anti‐poverty measures.  相似文献   

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