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1.
目前北亚地区区域经济合作还处于十分落后的状态。除东北亚经济圈外,还应构建以中国的内蒙古自治区、蒙古国和俄罗斯西伯利亚联邦管区为核心地带的北亚经济圈。构建北亚经济圈对于中国21世纪的国家安全战略、能源资源战略、水资源战略、生态保护战略、低碳经济战略、欧亚通道经济战略和未来的北冰洋时代战略,都具有至关重要的意义。构建北亚经济圈也将对内蒙古自治区在国家发展中战略地位的提高和全面对外开放具有决定性的意义。构建北亚经济圈不但是必要的,而且是可行的。  相似文献   

2.
2010年1月,俄出台了经修订的2025年前社会——经济发展战略,这是在金融危机背景下俄强国战略的新选择,此战略的出台标志着俄更加重视远东地区的发展。对这一战略进行系统地解读与研判,有利于判断俄未来远东政策的走向,促进东北亚地区经济发展以及加快我国东北地区经济振兴的步伐。  相似文献   

3.
东北亚各国发展水平各异,经济互补性强,合作潜力巨大。东北三省通过不断加强与日本、韩国等周边国家的合作,将为东北振兴开辟更广阔的空间。东北亚有关国家也会从中受益,这对推动地区经济发展、推动东亚经济一体化进程都具有重要意义。  相似文献   

4.
论中韩FTA     
自2005年,中韩对FTA开始了共同研究,两国的态度都很积极。中韩政治友好关系和经贸合作关系的顺利发展,以及两国对双边自由贸易的积极姿态,为中韩FTA奠定了坚实的基础。中韩FTA对发展中韩友好关系,推动中韩经济合作,以及推动东北亚、东亚经济一体化都有重要意义。由于中韩贸易不均衡,中韩两国都存在自由化敏感的领域,加之韩国在有关方面的忧虑,中韩FTA也面临一些具体的困难。为此,中韩两国要共同采取向前看的积极姿态,相互理解,相互让步,循序渐进,妥善解决谈判中的具体困难。  相似文献   

5.
When in November 2001, the leaders of the Southeast Asian and Northeast Asian states met for the “ASEAN (Association of South East Asian Nations) plus three (China, Japan and Korea),” President Kim Dae‐Jung of South Korea proposed the exploration for an East Asian Free Trade Area (EAFTA) and thereby opened a new chapter of East Asian integration. The special Northeast Asian perspective on regional co‐operation became clear by the simultaneous decision to hold annual meetings of finance and trade ministers of China, Japan and Korea. At the same time, bilateral agreements, like a free trade area between Japan and Singapore, the tentative large free trade area between ASEAN and China and the work‐in‐progress on a Korean‐Japanese Free Trade Area, show the devotion and sometimes even obsession of current policy‐making with reaching regional trade agreements. Regional integration, it seems, is finally on the Northeast Asian agenda. In this paper, the preconditions and perspectives of economic integration in Northeast Asia will be explored. Since economic integration is in various ways linked to political factors, the second section discusses the geo‐political situation of Northeast Asia today. The third section deals with the economic perspectives of different forms of trade integration, followed by an analysis of various attempts for greater macro‐economic and financial co‐operation and a short conclusion.  相似文献   

6.
This paper assesses policy options available for environmental cooperation to abate acid rain pollutants in East Asia. We argue that the multilateral approach, rather than the bilateral one, should be employed as a “control policy.” As for “control strategies,” effective incentive-based environmental policies including a charge system in conjunction with the promoting of cooperation for a regional environmental protocol/treaty are required in order to make up for the lack of contractual enforcement available to participants. As well, joint scientific/economic research is crucial to prevent a free rider problem and to convince regulators that benefits exist from multilateral cooperation. However, trade sanctions will create undesirable side effects and rivalry. Competition may undermine the effectiveness of a side-payment system to abate pollution at the national level.  相似文献   

7.
Russia is now essentially more open to the world market and to the world community. The geographical reasons predetermine the shortest way of connection between Europe and North East Asia (NEA); it is the railroad through Russia, using Transsiberia. The Yenisei River is the shortest and the cheapest way to the North East Route (NER) for many regions of Siberia. The problem of using NER is now very interesting for the states of Northern Europe, Japan, and South Korea. There are a lot of resources in Siberia—timber, nonferrous metals (lead and zinc), gold, oil and gas, and the cheapest source of electricity. Based on this combination, it is possible to produce many kinds of goods (not only resources). There are some negotiations with China, Japan, and South Korea about the so‐called “East Energy Bridge,” for the purpose of the transmission of electricity and gas from East Siberia.  相似文献   

8.
论中韩FTA   总被引:2,自引:1,他引:1  
自2005年,中韩对FTA开始了共同研究,两国的态度都很积极.中韩政治友好关系和经贸合作关系的顺利发展,以及两国对双边自由贸易的积极姿态,为中韩FTA奠定了坚实的基础.中韩FTA对发展中韩友好关系,推动中韩经济合作,以及推动东北亚、东亚经济一体化都有重要意义.由于中韩贸易不均衡,中韩两国都存在自由化敏感的领域,加之韩国在有关方面的忧虑,中韩FTA也面临一些具体的困难.为此,中韩两国要共同采取向前看的积极姿态,相互理解,相互让步,循序渐进,妥善解决谈判中的具体困难.  相似文献   

9.
Using institution‐building theory from the school of neoliberalism, the paper examines the role of leadership and institutional bargaining in moving the “10+3” regional cooperation framework forward. The core argument developed here is that close cooperation between Japan and China is key to the future of “10+3”, and ASEAN states and South Korea should utilize the “10+3” platform for bringing Japan and China together. Finally, some ASEAN states’ fear that a more integrated East Asia will mean the withdrawal of U.S. presence in the region is very remote.  相似文献   

10.
This paper endeavors to contribute to the solution of the following critical issues: (1) what the East Asian nations can do in cooperation among themselves and with China, Japan, and South Korea in their foreign trade arrangements to improve the stability and growth of their economies; (2) what they must do individually to get their financial and real economies better integrated; (3) what they can do in cooperation with China, Japan and South Korea—bilaterally and regionally—to modernize their monetary systems and to render them more resilient to financial crises; and (4) what new focus of the IMF is most likely to enable the East Asian nations to maintain relatively free and open economies without the impact of catastrophic financial crises. Lessons from the development of the European Union, the dynamics of the euro zone, the experience of the Bank for International Settlements, and recent research on monetary and international macroeconomic theory are drawn upon to provide answers to these questions. It is argued that an area-wide approach, with a new IMF regional role and the formation of an East Asian Monetary Authority, would contribute to a sense of “community” within East Asia, leading to an enhanced role for both East Asia and ASEAN + 3 in the new world economic order.  相似文献   

11.
为应对地缘政治时代过渡到地缘经济时代后全球范围内区域经济一体化的潮流,东亚国家需要积极推动本地区的经济一体化。在此进程中中国应有明确的应对策略。要有长期的系统的国际区域经济合作战略,注意所参加的几个国际区域合作组织的相互协调与补充;应支持东盟发挥主导作用,同时要推动中、日、韩的合作。还应充分利用区域经济合作中的要素推动国内区域经济协调发展。  相似文献   

12.
本文分析了东北地区参与东北亚区域经济合作所具有的比较优势及现状,提出东北地区应通过能源合作、绿色农产品出口、产业升级、国际劳务合作、旅游资源开发等方面积极参与东北亚区域经济合作,从而加速东北地区经济振兴。  相似文献   

13.
重开史迪威公路的战略意义   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
韩继伟 《改革与战略》2011,27(11):50-52
“二战”时期的史迪威公路,又称中印公路,被誉为“远东抗战生命线”,为中国抗战和世界远东地区的反法西斯战争发挥了重要作用。但“二战”之后,由于种种原因,这条辉煌一时的战略公路大部分处于废弃状态,直到20世纪80年代末,缅甸政府宣布对外开放,这才为史迪威公路的重开创造了条件。目前,从区域经济合作的视角看,重开这一具有悠久历史的通道,变生命线为经济线,不论对中国西南地区,还是对缅甸北部和印度东北部地区的经济社会发展,都具有非常重要的战略意义和现实意义。  相似文献   

14.
经济全球化和区域经济一体化的世界经济趋势对东亚货币合作提出了迫切要求,东亚国家在金融领域暴露出的金融体系脆弱性要求加强东亚货币合作。鉴于亚洲地区政治经化的复杂性和差异性,整个亚洲的金融合作条件远未成熟,但东亚地区的经济往来密切,具备了一定的基础。本文对东亚货币合作的现状和未来可能的路径和前景进行分析,并对中国的参与提出建议。  相似文献   

15.
人文合作的必要性和内在联动效应是不可低估的.本文侧重对吉林省与远东及西伯利亚地区人文交流与合作问题进行初探.  相似文献   

16.
朝鲜的经济变化与中国的作用   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
在朝鲜经济变化过程中,中国发挥着重要作用。中国对朝鲜的无偿援助、贸易和投资为朝鲜经济发展提供动力;中国成功的改革开放模式为朝鲜提供参考与借鉴;中朝韩三国区域合作既有利于实施东北振兴战略,又可以消除韩国对中朝经济合作的担心和竞争心理,更可以促进朝鲜经济开放,减弱朝鲜对体制安全的忧虑,并逐渐引导朝鲜融入东北亚区域经济合作之中。  相似文献   

17.
王亚丰 《科技和产业》2005,5(10):35-37,41
21世纪是世界各个经济区域进行合作的一个良好开端,因为世界经济的全球化和一体化已趋于走向成熟,随之而来的区域经济合作更富有时代特征,并对世界经济与国际贸易产生了强烈影响。与世界其它地区相比,东北亚地区的区域经济合作发展相对起步较晚,发展速度相对缓慢。本文将从世界经济发展和区域经济开发的角度出发,分析了东北亚区域经济经贸合作的内容和形式,认为这个地区未来在资源开发与合作、工业及加工贸易合作、资金、劳务和科技合作等方面将成为区域经济发展的核心。  相似文献   

18.
The purpose of this paper is to search for new robust East Asian economic development models following the financial crisis. Specifically, this paper addresses both robustness and sustainability of Korea’s Chaebol-led model, Taiwan’s SMEs-led model, and Malaysia’s FDI-led model, respectively. East Asia’s new development paradigm can be reformulated not only by adopting and learning advanced financial innovations of global standards in the framework of Gershenkron’s “advantages of backwardness,” but also in the concept of “mutual learning” from both strengths and weaknesses of development models of the three countries. East Asia has neglected too long some inherent wisdoms that are contained in its “miracle models,” yet it shows that their different paths to development may lead to a positive policy convergence.  相似文献   

19.
The concept of environmental security, under the umbrella of regional comprehensive security, provides a common framework to support bilateral as well as multilateral initiatives on the nexus of environment‐security issues in Northeast Asia. These initiatives could provide the foundation upon which a common understanding and language, and common interests can be constructed on regional environmental and security issues. A consensus is to be built among key thinkers and opinion‐makers in the region. Attention is needed to the security implications of regional‐scale environmental degradation, and regional energy and environmental cooperation to address this degradation, thereby enhancing the multilateral institution‐building process in Northeast Asia. As in traditional security arena, the United States needs to take the leadership role in the management of environmental problems in Northeast Asia. While maintaining the U.S.‐Japan‐South Korea cooperation as a central axis for environmental security of Northeast Asia, the United States needs to formulate a clearly articulated, coherent China policy with explicit objectives and guidelines by which progress on a variety of issues could be measured.  相似文献   

20.
东亚经济一体化与合作:朝向共同体   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
长期以来,东亚地区的经济一体化主要靠市场力量推动,区域经济合作则落后于经济一体化进程。亚洲金融危机证明,仅靠市场推动的经济一体化是脆弱的,只有加强区域经济合作,东亚地区才能增强抵御外部风险的能力,保持经济的持续繁荣。亚洲金融危机后,东亚地区迅速建立起“10 3”的合作机制,在加强金融领域合作的同时,也不断拓展在经贸投资等领域的合作,并逐步确立了以建立东亚自由贸易区和东亚共同体的长远奋斗目标。特别是在中国提出与东盟建立自由贸易区后,东亚地区的合作步伐明显加快。尽管目前离建立东亚共同体的长远目标还很遥远,但东亚地区的合作进程已不可逆转,各种形式的合作努力将最终推动长远目标的实现。  相似文献   

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