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1.
陈蘋 《亚太经济》2007,(6):87-89
美韩双边在各自利益需求的考量之下成功签署FTA,必将刺激亚太地区各国洽签双边FTA的热情。对于近年来许多经济指标都被韩国超越的台湾当局来说,难免感到紧张却又一筹莫展。韩美FTA对台湾的挑战将如何?这是本文要讨论的重点。  相似文献   

2.
WTO多边贸易体制的困境使得谈判主体达成一致协议的交易成本不断提高,利益成员在多哈回合不能实质突破的情况下会积极寻求体制外的有效安排。自由贸易协定自然导致联盟外部性,领导国对多边谈判议价和序列谈判议价的选择取决于跟随国存在正或负的联盟外部性。现实情况表明美国更倾向于自由贸易协定的建设,而客观形成了对多边贸易体制的阻碍作用。中国自由贸易协定建设起步较晚,应积极推动与不同发展程度国家贸易磋商与谈判,以加强中国外贸可持续发展的战略合作。  相似文献   

3.
孙钰 《新疆财经》2013,(5):68-73
伊斯兰金融是伊斯兰教关于金融问题的教义与现代金融相结合的产物,近年来也扩展到了中亚国家.哈萨克斯坦和吉尔吉斯斯坦是确立伊斯兰金融制度的两个中亚国家,同时也是制定伊斯兰金融法律的中亚国家.本文在对哈萨克斯坦和吉尔吉斯斯坦两国的伊斯兰金融立法情况进行概括的基础上,对其伊斯兰金融法体系进行了详细论述,即两国在伊斯兰金融立法方面形成了涵盖法典、法律和部门规章的多部规范性法律文件构成的伊斯兰金融法体系;并对其立法进行了评析,认为在伊斯兰金融立法路径方面两国完全不同,在立法模式上两国既相同又有差异.随着伊斯兰金融制度在中亚五国的全面扩散,伊斯兰金融法律制度也将在所有的中亚国家确立.  相似文献   

4.
1997年东南亚金融危机使东亚各国认识到域内合作的重要性,东亚区域合作蓬勃发展。十年之后的美国次贷危机演变成全球金融危机,客观上推动东亚区域合作呈现出了一些新态势。与此同时,鉴于中国及东亚各国当前面临的发展问题,东亚区域合作应在遵循东盟主导的基础上开拓互联互通务实合作,增强区域凝聚力和内生发展动力,提升合作的机制化水平,实现区域内经济的可持续发展。  相似文献   

5.
Abstract

This study investigates the macroeconomic impact of EU's free trade agreements with Asian countries and the US on the Chinese economy. In addition we examine the impacts on the Chinese industry output based on the framework of production network and production fragmentation. The expansion of the EU's economic reach toward ASEAN and Japan through free trade agreement will generate a positive macroeconomic effect on negotiation participants while it generates a negative effect on the Chinese economy: Some portions of existing trade and foreign direct investment will be shifted to partner countries from non-partner countries. However, according to a sectorial analysis, EU's free trade agreements with three countries result in a positive impact on China's electronics and machinery industry, because China's industry is linked to the production fragmentation and foreign affiliates play a crucial role.  相似文献   

6.

The financial and economic crisis in 1997–98 came as a dramatic shock to East Asian economies, and has prompted to institutionalize a regional financial and monetary cooperation. This paper demonstrates the strong will of East Asian countries to develop the regional financial and monetary cooperation, outlines recent developments, and provides possible prospects for the future. It points out that the option to keep consistent with the IMF system actually weakens regional solidarity, and recommends an immediate establishment of a strong regional surveillance and peer pressure mechanism for the Chiang Mai Initiative (CMI) to evolve into a common pool of foreign exchange reserves, a sort of East Asian IMF. It also argues that East Asian countries should closely coordinate their exchange rate regime to maintain intra‐regional and extra‐regional exchange rate stability.  相似文献   

7.
I. IntroductionThe effect of China’s rapid growth on other Asian economies is felt most directly through itsimpact on international trade and foreign investment. However, not only is the magnitude of this impact uncertain, even its direction is disputed. Some authors emphasize that China’s emergence as an economic power is applying intense competitive pressure to its neighbors. China’s immense reserves of cheap labor enable it to out-compete neighboring economies in the production of low-…  相似文献   

8.
It is argued that an antitrust law should include a clear, long‐term, economy‐wide welfare goal. For any country—especially for developing countries—legislating to promote the competitive process, it is essential to include in the law a clearly‐specified objects clause to guide administrative and judicial conduct. Without a clear objects clause, firms, competition agencies, and the courts will not have any guidance as to the government's overarching goal when it passed the legislation. This uncertainty will lead to inefficient regulation; will run the risk of special interests being accommodated; and will lead to the likelihood of false positives and negatives being made by regulators and the courts. We review the antitrust laws in some Asian economies and find that most of them have not incorporated a clear objects clause in their statutes.  相似文献   

9.
The current trade war between the United States and China is unprecedented in modern history. This study introduces a database of tariff increases resulting from the trade war and quantifies the impacts using the canonical GTAPinGAMS model calibrated to the recently released GTAP version 10 accounts. We find that the remaining tariff increases as of March 2020 after the phase one trade deal decrease welfare in China by 1.7% and welfare in the United States by 0.2%. Impacts on sectoral revenue are reported for both countries. China's exports to and imports from the United States are reduced by 52.3% and 49.3%. The trade flow between the United States and China will be diverted to their major trade partners resulting in higher welfare in those countries, including many Asian countries. The estimated impacts are robust to using alternative trade elasticities and are amplified in the absence of the phase one tariff reductions.  相似文献   

10.
This paper investigates the impact of the 2008 economic crisis on industries in East Asia. It attempts to identify the transmission mechanism and the magnitude of the impact of the crisis on industries in East Asia using the updated Asian international input–output table for 2008. The analyses reveal that the crisis significantly affected industrial output of the nine East Asian economies included in the present study. The economies that are deeply involved in production networks were affected most seriously. Our analyses also show that the impact was transmitted to East Asian industries through triangular trade, in which Chinese mainland imports parts and components from neighboring East Asian economies and then exports final products to the US and EU markets. Although such intricate production networks have improved the competitiveness of East Asian economies, they have also increased vulnerability to external shocks.  相似文献   

11.
孙芳 《特区经济》2008,(12):28-30
20世纪90年代以来,东亚区域内自由贸易协定和跨区域贸易协定蓬勃发展,东亚地区贸易政策走向多元化。本文首先分析了东亚自由贸易协定的发展现状和主要成员自由贸易协定的战略,接着总结了东亚地区自由贸易协定蓬勃发展的原因和特点,并提出了中国应对东亚地区自由贸易协定发展的建议。  相似文献   

12.
The ASEAN-China FTA (ACFTA) is a significant step in regional economic integration for both China and the ASEAN countries. While analysis of the effects of Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) most commonly focuses on the trade effects, the closeness of the link between trade and investment implies that the effect of an FTA on foreign direct investment (FDI) is also potentially significant. FTAs may stimulate FDI through the effects of market expansion and vertical fragmentation, while they may also reduce FDI through a plant rationalization effect. The overall effect of an FTA on FDI flows is an empirical question. This paper examines the impact of ACFTA on FDI flows through an econometric model that captures the influence of East Asian production networks on FDI, which we expect to be an important explanatory factor. The model finds that ACFTA has a significant and positive effect on FDI flows. A brief survey of the theoretical literature on the welfare and other related effects of FDI serves to emphasize that the extent to which individual member countries of the ACFTA will benefit from this increase in FDI will depend in important ways on the policies pursued in each country.  相似文献   

13.
Abstract

This paper estimates the economic impacts of the various sequential liberalization scenarios in East Asia, emphasizing the significance of the “sequence” of the liberalization process in computable general equilibrium (CGE) analysis. The major findings are as follows: (1) “Sequence” matters in measuring the economic impacts of free trade agreement (FTA) scenarios in the region; (2) Scenario 1 (Korea-China FTA → Korea-Japan FTA → China-Japan FTA) is the sequence maximizing Korea's economic gains, whereas Scenario 3 (Korea-China-Japan FTA) is the one most preferred economically by China and Japan; (3) Korea's FTAs with the United States (US) and European Union (EU) can be evaluated as a preemptive strategic move, causing changes in FTA preferences of Korea and Japan; (4) the prediction of Bond and Baldwin (adjustment cost and juggernaut effect) and that of Evenett et al. (trade diversion effect) are supported by the empirical results that Korea's (China's) expected gains from northeast Asian FTA sequences increase (decrease) after Korea's FTAs with the US and EU are made; (5) predictions about the International Political Economy (IPE) theories (power consideration and domestic politics) upon the sequential FTA formations in East Asia are consistent with the findings above.  相似文献   

14.
一国的贸易政策一般包括三个方面:多边贸易政策、区域贸易政策以及双边贸易政策。每个国家的贸易政策都有自己追求的目标,但是其制订和实施又要受到国内、国际条件的约束,因此显示出不同的特色,效果也不同。本文主要分析了新千年之后澳大利亚贸易政策策略变化的原因、效果及其所面临的问题和挑战。  相似文献   

15.
东北亚区域经济合作研究述评   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
从全球经济和区域经济的视角,分析东北亚区域经济合作的内容和形式,认为资源开发合作、工业及加工贸易合作、资金合作、人力资源合作、环境合作将成为区域经济合作的核心内容,指出在合作领域中存在的不足,为此应进一步加强东北亚区域经济合作。  相似文献   

16.
Following the process of negotiations on bilateral FTA in Asia and the Asian economic integration process, the author analyzes the reasons for the rise of bilateral FTA in Asia and then mainly discusses the policy choice of China to participate in bilateral FTA in Asia.  相似文献   

17.
Public pension burdens in most emerging Asian economies are still relatively small. However, there are a number of reasons to believe that they will increase markedly in the coming years. First, many Asian economies will face rapidly ageing populations, which will raise pension and other old‐age‐related spending dramatically. Second, as economies develop, political pressures to expand the coverage of public pensions and raise pension benefits will likely increase. The first objective of this paper is to identify the potential fiscal burden of public pensions in 23 emerging Asian economies, based on econometric models and forecasts of GDP and demographic trends. Using two different methodologies yields estimated increases in the average share of public pension expenditures in GDP of 1.0 percentage point and 3.6 percentage points by 2030 compared with current levels. We believe the latter estimate is more realistic. The second objective is to recommend policies to provide adequate funding for public pension needs, including enhancing the efficiency of social insurance programs, improving the balance of revenues and expenditures, implementing more explicit fiscal rules and frameworks, and establishing stronger fiscal surveillance at the national and regional levels.  相似文献   

18.
杨权 《亚太经济》2008,(2):25-31
区域成员在法律制度和执法效率上的差异,将体现为金融结构的差异,这会导致共同货币政策在区域成员间的传导效果出现较大差异,影响货币联盟的稳定性。东亚各经济体的金融法律制度呈现较大的差异,相应地金融结构也有较大的差异。通过机制化的区域金融合作,采取最低协调一致标准,促进东亚各经济体法律制度和金融结构的渐进趋同,是未来东亚货币金融合作的基础。  相似文献   

19.
本文从零部件贸易的角度分析了中国在东亚贸易结构中的地位。文中计算了中国和其他东亚经济体1992~2005年的零部件贸易额,在大量事实数据的基础上得出结论:中国在东亚地区以零部件进口为主,而与区域外市场之间以最终产品出口为主。同时,随着中国经济逐渐融入到东亚地区的生产网络中,东亚地区的"三角贸易"模式发生了转变:中国成为东亚地区的出口平台,进口来自于区域内较发达经济体的中间产品零部件,进行装配加工后将最终产品销往区域外市场。  相似文献   

20.
Since the 1997 Asian currency crisis, new interest has emerged in the formation of a common currency area in East Asia. This paper provides estimates of trade and welfare effects of East Asian currency unions, using a micro-founded gravity model. Counter-factual experiments to assess the effects of various hypothetical currency arrangements for East Asia suggest that an East Asian currency union will double bilateral trade in the region, but the resulting welfare effects will be moderate. However, if Japan, a major trade partner for East Asia, is included in the union, welfare effects increase substantially. The evidence thus suggests that certain regional currency arrangements in East Asia will stimulate regional trade rigorously and can generate economically significant welfare gains.  相似文献   

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