Election systems,the “beauty premium” in politics,and the beauty of dissent

We ask three questions. First, do election systems differ in how they translate physical attractiveness of candidates into electoral success? Second, do political parties strategically exploit the “beauty premium” when deciding on which candidates to nominate, and, third, do elected MPs use their beauty premium to reap some independence from their party? Using the German election system that combines first-past-the-post election with party-list proportional representation, our results show that plurality elections provide more scope for translating physical attractiveness into electoral success than proportional representation. Whether political parties strategically use the beauty premium to optimize their electoral objectives is less clear. Physically attractive MPs, however, allow themselves to dissent more often, i.e. they vote more often against the party line than their less attractive peers.     

Subsidizing power

This study explores whether the amount of fossil fuel subsidies paid by the government is subject to an election cycle. Theoretically, it is not a priori directly clear whether the provision of fossil fuel subsidies should go up or down when elections are upcoming. On the one hand, governments may reap electoral benefits from offering additional support in an election year since voters generally prefer candidates from whom they expect to receive greater material well-being by reducing the prices of basic goods. On the other hand, if the number of recipients is only small or when they are politically not well organized, reducing fossil fuel subsidies to finance a tax cut or an increase in other public spending areas that benefit and attract more voters might be a more successful re-election strategy. My main empirical findings clearly show a U-shaped election effect. It turns out that election cycles encourage fossil fuel support only in countries that have either a large or small fossil fuel demand. In these countries, governments are more inclined to provide additional fossil fuel support in an election year. In turn, I do not find any significant evidence for the notion that upcoming elections create a window of opportunity to reduce fossil fuel subsidies. Finally, the significant election effects are in particular visible during presidential elections.     

CORRUPTION AND ELECTIONS: AN EMPIRICAL STUDY FOR A CROSS-SECTION OF COUNTRIES

In this paper, we study whether voters are more likely to "vote out" a corrupt incumbent than to re-elect him. Specifically, we examine whether they retract their support from political candidates who they think are corrupt by looking at changes in an index of corruption perceptions between the current and the last elections. Our results suggest that corruption in public office is effectively punished by voters. Furthermore, our findings support the idea that both the political system and the democratic experience are important determinants of the voters' reaction and control of corruption; while voters in countries with parliamentary systems or with relatively low levels of democracy react negatively to an increase in corruption, no perceptible effect of this kind was found in countries with mature democracies, and the evidence is inconclusive in the case of countries with presidential systems.     

Information in stock prices: the case of the 2016 U.S. presidential election

On the day before the 2016 U.S. presidential election, the odds of Hillary Clinton winning the presidency, according to political prediction markets, were above 90%. Surprisingly, Donald Trump won the Electoral College handily. In this study, we examine how movements in specific stock prices foreshadowed the eventual outcome. Specifically, we conduct a series of standard event-study tests focused on pharmaceutical companies, which became a focal point during the presidential campaign. Results show that while stocks of pharmaceutical companies significantly underperformed the market prior to the election, prices substantially increased beginning three days before the election outcome. This increase is both statistically significant and economically meaningful and robust to various event-study methodologies. These results suggest that some sectors of the stock market seemed to anticipate the election outcome.     

A sick system

After nearly two decades of skyrocketing costs, widespread gaps in insurance coverage and overwhelming public sentiment in favor of reform, health care has finally taken hold as a political issue. The Bush Administration, key Capitol Hill lawmakers and most of the major Democratic presidential candidates have advanced plans to break Washington's gridlock on overhauling the system. Here's a road map of the competing routes to reform and the hazards that are likely to be encountered along the way.     

The (hidden) costs of political instability: Evidence from Kenya's 2007 election crisis

This paper studies the microeconomic impacts of the political crisis and civil conflict that immediately followed the December 2007 presidential election in Kenya. Income, expenditures, and consumption dramatically declined for a broad segment of the rural population for the duration of the conflict. To make up for the income shortfall, women who supply transactional sex engaged in higher risk sex both during and after the crisis. While this particular crisis was likely too short for these behavioral responses to seriously increase the risk of HIV or other STIs for these women, such responses could have long-term repercussions for health in countries with longer or more frequent crises. Overall, our results suggest that social unrest can be an important channel through which political instability can affect long-term outcomes such as health.     

The potential imposition of wage controls on nurses: a threat to nurses, patients, and hospitals

When there are shortages of RNs, hospitals and health care organizations in competitive nurse labor markets respond by increasing wages: some hospitals will respond faster and some will offer higher wages than others. The wage increase brings about two important short and long-run outcomes that, together, will increase the supply of RNs in the labor market. Because wage controls prevent the flexibility of wages to adjust, they can cause a shortage to develop when the demand for RNs is increasing (as in the 1970s), and wage controls will lengthen the duration of a shortage once it has begun. The impacts of prolonged RN shortages are multifaceted and destructive to nurses, patients, and hospitals. Looking ahead over the next 15 years when the demand for RNs is expected to grow by roughly 3% per year and the supply of RNs by much less than that, a new nursing shortage is projected to develop and reach a deficit of 285,000 RNs by 2020. The worst thing that could happen to the nursing profession would be to impose wage controls on nurses as this would prevent the needed short and long-run labor supply responses from developing and thereby eliminate the shortage.     

INTERGOVERNMENTAL GRANTS AND THE POSITIONING OF PRESIDENTIAL PRIMARIES AND CAUCUSES: EMPIRICAL EVIDENCE FROM THE 1992, 1996, AND 2000 ELECTION CYCLES

The present study tests the theory that states can impact the size of the grants they receive (per capita) from the federal government by becoming pivotal players in the federal electoral (primary/caucus) process. That is, by rearranging their presidential primary and caucus dates, states can play an important role in determining the field of candidates for the two major political parties in the United States. States are then likely to be rewarded within the budgetary process at the federal level, which begins with the executive branch. Results from a simultaneous equation system suggest that the impact of the average movement of primaries/caucuses in the sample period (10.36 days closer to 1 January) results in an increase of federal grants of $362 million to $1.2 billion (over a two-year period) for the average state. These results are consistent with the current pattern in the American political process of more front-ended presidential primaries and caucuses.     

American Academy of Ambulatory Care Nursing position statement: the role of the registered nurse in ambulatory care

Ambulatory care nurses are leaders in their practice settings and across the continuum of care. They are uniquely qualified to influence organizational standards related to patient safety and care delivery in the ambulatory care setting. The current ambulatory care setting is diverse and multifaceted, requiring nurses highly skilled in patient assessment and with the ability to implement a broad range of nursing interventions in a variety of settings. The future of the American health care system depends upon our ability to utilize RNs to the fullest extent of their expertise, licensure, and certification.     

Making a play in the policy and politics arena: nursing and the national election

With health care surfacing in political campaigns across the country and referencing virtually every one of the policy topics discussed here, nurses have an important opportunity to share their views regarding both policy substance as well as engage in the political arena. For those nurses not yet ready to run for elective office, participating in grassroots efforts of campaigns, on advisory panels, and making financial contributions to preferred candidates are important opportunities not to be missed. Given the interest in and challenges ahead associated with health care broadly and nursing specifically, there is a great deal at stake.     

Political budget cycles,incumbency advantage,and propaganda

This paper combines incumbency advantage and political budget cycle theory. An opportunistic politician is given two instruments: deficit‐financed transfers and propaganda. Unlike earlier analytical models, but in accordance with the empirical literature, government manipulations do actually improve re‐election chances. However, the optimal level of government manipulation depends on country characteristics, in particular the competence dispersion among potential candidates. This may explain why it is easier to detect political budget cycles in, for instance, developing countries or new democracies. Results are robust to alternative competence distribution and propaganda cost assumptions.     

Measurement of Political Effects in the United States Economy: A Study of the 1992 Presidential Election

This paper analyzes the link between the 1992 United States presidential election outcome and a collection of American economic sectors. Based on data from the 1992 Iowa Political Stock Market and campaign-period stock portfolio behavior, we identify 15 economic sectors, of 74 examined, whose profits varied in a statistically significant manner with movements in Iowa Market-based measures of presidential candidate standing. And, in light of 1992 campaign rhetoric pertaining to defense policy and environmental issues, we build on this finding with an analysis of selected defense firms and firms known to be toxic waste emitters.     

Primaries and the New Hampshire Effect

Candidates for U.S. presidential elections are determined through sequential elections in single states, the primaries. We develop a model in which candidates can influence their winning probability in electoral districts by spending money on campaigning. The equilibrium replicates several stylized facts very well: Campaigning is very intensive in the first district. The outcome of the first election then creates an asymmetry in the candidates' incentives to campaign in the next district, which endogenously increases the equilibrium probability that the first winner wins in further districts.On the normative side, our model offers a possible explanation for the sequential organization: It leads (in expectation) to a lower level of advertising expenditures than simultaneous elections. Moreover, if one of the candidates is the more effective campaigner, sequential elections also perform better with regard to the selection of the best candidate.     

Public perceptions of nursing careers: the influence of the media and nursing shortages

The high public regard for nurses has not necessarily translated into an adequate supply of individuals who are willing to be nurses. The expected future demand for nurse labor challenges us to look more closely at the public's perceptions of nursing and nursing careers, and consider how they are shaped by personal experience, media messages, and socio-demographic factors. As part of ongoing efforts to examine factors shaping the future of the nursing workforce, a national survey of Americans was conducted to probe attitudes toward the nursing profession and their experiences with nurses. The data in this national survey of the public about nursing demonstrate that the nursing profession is highly respected and that the vast majority of the general public would recommend nursing careers to qualified students. If the profession is so well thought of and so highly recommended, why are there persistent concerns that not enough people are becoming RNs to avoid or at least slow down the development of future shortages? A prolonged and persistent effort is needed to educate people about nursing careers, to stimulate the expanded production of nursing faculty, and to bring creative approaches to financing nursing education and workforce improvements to convert the large number of seriously interested candidates into the nursing profession.     

Overconfidence,income-ability gap,and preferences for income equality

Overconfident people who do not earn what they think they can may attribute this negative gap to the unfairness of the economy and thereby favor reducing income inequality when they realize their negative income-ability gap. To test this theory, we conducted an online survey experiment in the US in which we assigned the treatment emphasizing each respondent’s self-perception of the income-ability gap randomly. The results indicate that realizing this negative income-ability gap lowers respondents’ perception of the economy being meritocratic and fair. However, it did not translate into the higher support for reducing income inequality or the support for the government intervention. In addition, we examined the potential heterogeneity depending on political ideologies and political trust levels.     

Fed policy and presidential elections

In this paper, we test the hypothesis that the Federal Reserve attempts to stimulate the economy prior to a presidential election. Our data covers the Johnson, Nixon, and Carter administrations. While we cannot rule out that political pressure has been effectively brought to bear on the Fed prior to some elections, the data do not produce evidence of a systematic move to ease.     

A live experiment on approval voting

This paper presents a large-scale experiment on the Approval Voting rule that took place during the 2002 French presidential election. We describe the experiment and its main results. The findings are as follows: (i) Such an experiment is feasible, and very well accepted by voters. (ii) The principle of approval voting is easily understood and accepted. (iii) Within the observed political context, compared to the official first-round vote, approval voting modifies the overall ranking of candidates. (iv) The candidates Le Pen and Chirac, more than the others, were able to convert approval votes into official first-round votes. JEL Classification C93, D70, D72     

Evolution of the chronic care role of the registered nurse in primary care

High-quality, accessible, and efficient primary care is needed as the U.S. health care system undergoes significant change. Advancing the role of registered nurses in the primary care setting is important to the solution. A large academic health center implemented five initiatives to improve the care of chronically ill patients through the expanded role of RNs in the context of the health care team. Role evolution of nurses in the pilots required some continuing education and some additional nursing support to release the pilot nurses from their usual duties. These strategies allowed the nurses to apply interventions that enhanced the coordination of care and promoted patient self-management skills. Some short-term improvements in health status were realized and barriers to self-care were identified and resolved.     

Coattails and the forces that drive them: Evidence from Mexico

Coattails and the forces behind them have important implications for the understanding of electoral processes and their outcomes. By focusing our attention on neighboring electoral sections that face the same local congressional election, but different municipal elections, and assuming that political preferences for local legislative candidates remain constant across neighboring electoral sections, we exploit variation in the strength of the municipal candidates in each of these electoral sections to estimate coattails from municipal to local congressional elections in Mexico. A one percentage increase in vote share for a municipal candidate translates, depending on his or her party, into an average of between 0.45 and 0.78 percentage point increase in vote share for the legislative candidates from the same party (though this effect may not have been sufficient to affect an outcome in any electoral district in our sample). In addition, we find that a large fraction of the effect is driven by individuals switching their vote decision in the legislative election, rather than by an increase in turnout.     

The Political Cause of the Movement of RMB Exchange Rate：A Research Based on the Spillover Effects of US Political Cycle

Movement of the renminbi (RMB) exchange rate is not only affected by economic factors, but also by political factors home and aboard. This paper analyzes the transmission mechanism of political cycles on the RMB exchange rate first, and then sets up a “political cycle spillover effect model” followed by an empirical analysis. We find that: (1) the US political cycle has a direct effect on the RMB exchange rate in the short run, which is mainly transmitted by capital flows and China’s exchange rate policy control; (2) the RMB exchange rate changes periodically in accordance with the US presidential election and midterm election cycle, with the appreciation ratio significantly lower in the first year of the election cycle, while significantly higher in the year after the midterm election; (3) The effect of the political cycle will not be affected by which party holds power, though it will be affected if the president and parliament are ruled by the same party. This paper not only extends the research of the influencing factors of the RMB exchange rate to the political field, but also sets up a use theoretical model to analyze the impact of political issues on the RMB exchange rate, providing a new perspective to fully understand the external environment of RMB exchange rate reform.