乡村债务及化解

我国乡村债务及化解，是与农村税费改革相配套重要改革问题。乡村债务成因在于过去兴办企业、公共设施、公益事业和乡村日常开支以及借债上缴税费等。目前，通过发展经济、节约支出、盘活资产以及一系列还债措施，乡村债务正在逐步化解中。通过统筹考虑，可以促进乡村债务的进一步化解。     

乡村债务现状、负面影响及消减对策

乡村债务的迅速蔓延，成为影响农村经济快速发展和社会稳定的重要因素。如何消减乡村债务，加快我国农村经济发展，是经济学界正在探讨的一个重要问题。本文拟从国家、乡镇、村级经济组织和农民四个方面，探讨消减乡村债务的对策。     

化解乡村债务的思考

宣汉县截止２００１年底，乡村债务总额达５００００万元，是一年财政收入的５倍。巨额的乡村债务，严重制约了地方经济的发展，成为当前经济运行的障碍。债务形成的原因主要有以下几个方面。     

化解重庆乡村债务的思考

多年来，为了发展经济和社会事业，全市乡村两级机构超出财政承受能力，向各类金融组织、单位和个人借支了大量的经费，形成了庞大的债务累积。据市财政局统计，到2003年底，全市乡村两级政府性债务余额达到64．78亿元，其中，乡镇债务53．08亿元，村级债务11．7亿元。平均每个乡镇的债务达到413万元。     

论我国乡村债务的成因与对策

本文从分析乡村债务的成因入手,分析了目前我国乡村债务的特点、负债增长速度、债权人结构以及用途等乡村债务变化趋势及原因。论述了乡村债务对农村改革和经济发展的影响。提出了解决乡村债务的对策。     

论我国乡村债务的成因与对策

本文从分析乡村债务的成因入手,分析了目前我国乡村债务的特点、负债增长速度、债权人结构以及用途等乡村债务变化趋势及原因.论述了乡村债务对农村改革和经济发展的影响.提出了解决乡村债务的对策.     

乡村债务问题探析

乡村两级债务问题随着农村税费改革工作的推进而不断显现,沉重的乡村债务问题已经成为制约我国农村经济发展的主要瓶颈。如何解决好乡村债务问题,为建设新农村工作奠定良好基础,是当前做好农村工作亟待解决的突出问题。     

乡村债务的新制度经济学透视

一、乡村债务现状 （一）乡村债务存量和增量惊人 从我国目前乡村债务的存量上看，一份来自财政部科研所的报告显示：2004年全国乡村债务总体规模大致在6000-10000亿元。从增量上看，据有关部门调查结果显示2004年我国的乡村债务总量比1999年的3000-6000亿元大约翻了一番。以重庆市为例，2005年重庆市有21个区县旧治县、市）的乡镇出现新增债务，其中新增债务最多的一个区县达2．7亿元，全市乡镇财政新增的债务达8．9亿元，比2004年增长了16％。     

化解乡村债务的几点思考

乡村债务是近年来我国农村经济发展中的突出问题之一。本从全新角度重新认识这一问题，并对化解乡村债务提出了见解。     

乡村两级债务的成因及对策探析

农业税取消后，农民的经济负担得到了极大的减轻，而彩村两级不良债务继而成为农村经济发展的又一障碍。如何化解乡村债务危机是新农村建设中一个非常重要的问题。本文在分析乡村债务成因的基础上，提出了相应的对策措施。     

新农村建设中乡村债务的审视与化解——对昌吉市六工镇西五工村债务情况的调查

在全国上下动手齐建社会主义新农村的今天,乡村债务问题极其尖锐地显现出来。乡村债务本质上是我国各项涉农政策制度成本的长期沉淀。在化解乡村债务的过程中,各级政府既要根据各种既定制度分解债务的历史责任,又要适时推行各项农村配套制度的改革,避免步入农村改革的制度供给陷阱。     

中美贸易摩擦与我国企业外债融资成本

本文利用 2010 年 1 月至 2020 年 6 月我国企业外债数据和中美贸易摩擦相关数据，实证分析了中美贸易摩擦对我国企业外债融资成本的影响机制。研究发现，中美贸易摩擦会显著增加我国企业外债的发行利率，但对外债的额度和期限均不存在显著性影响。中美贸易摩擦发生后，我国企业外债的发行利率约增加 1.276%。在进行安慰剂检验、以及考虑发债企业信用评级、贸易摩擦影响的时滞性、中美加征关税税额等因素的影响下，该结论仍然成立。进一步研究发现，中美贸易摩擦会通过避险情绪、汇率波动和关税成本等渠道影响我国企业外债融资成本。最后，文章就中美贸易摩擦下完善外债风险管理、降低企业跨境融资成本提出政策建议。     

关于解决我国农村贫困问题的现时思考

面对我国农村贫困出现的脱贫难度增大、速度减缓、返贫率高、贫富差距扩大、贫困的代际传递增强以及经济风险增大等新问题，农村反贫困需要深入探索促进农村可持续发展的有效对策，及时调整社会制度、政策措施、扶贫战略，充分发挥政府和社会的力量，推进农村贫困问题的解决。     

地方政府隐性债务影响金融稳定的空间效应与门槛效应研究

现有关于地方政府债务的经济后果研究主要集中于地方政府债务对经济增长的影响研究.选取金融稳定这一视角,检验地方政府隐性债务对金融稳定的影响,同时考虑空间效应与门槛效应.以2009-2018年30个省份的面板数据为基础,研究发现:金融稳定与地方政府隐性债务均存在显著的正向空间集聚效应,即金融稳定性较好的省份周围的省份金融稳定性也较好,地方政府隐性债务较多的省份也会对周围地区产生溢出效应,考虑到空间效应后地方政府隐性债务与金融稳定之间的非线性关系依然成立,且地方政府隐性债务对金融稳定的影响为倒U型,即地方政府隐性债务对于金融稳定存在"先扬后抑"的作用,单门槛模型的回归结果进一步证明了这一结论.进一步分析表明提升政府支出效率以及减少政府干预度可以有效缓解政府隐性债务对金融稳定的负向影响.     

Africa's Debts and Economic Recovery

A substantial reduction of external debt burden of many African countries is needed, for four reasons. First, the present debt burden of Africa is extremely heavy. Africa's debts are equivalent to more than 100% of its GNP, compared to less than 50% in Latin America – another heavily indebted region – and even less elsewhere. The weight of Africa's burden is exacerbated by its lower per capita income than elsewhere in developing regions. Secondly, Africa is experiencing adverse effects of falling commodity prices more than any other region because of its greater dependence on primary products than other regions. Over the last forty years, export commodity prices other than oil have fallen by 50% in real terms, a staggering development with far-reaching adverse effects on many producers. Between May 1989 and January 1991, commodity prices other than oil fell 23% in SDR terms – speed of decline similar to that experienced in the great price fall 1980-82 which marked the beginning of the debt crisis of the 1980s. Cocoa and coffee, two major exports of Sub-Saharan Africa, were particularly badly hurt. Thirdly, while debt in other debt-affected areas has stabilized in recent years, that of Africa has continued to grow as interest is charged on interest and capitalized. Many African countries have been compelled to suspend their debt service payments; according to World Bank calculations, less than one half of Africa's debt service due is now being paid. Even so, debt service which is still being paid absorbs 27% of Africa's shrunken exports – a proportion which severely curtails Africa's capacity to import and to grow. Fourthly, debt settlement is needed to clear the way for resumption of Africa's economic development, now virtually stagnant for a decade in aggregate terms and falling in per capita terms. Africa has the capacity to modernize and grow, and this has been proven in one critical area and against all odds. Between 1980 and 1987, exports of manufactures from Sub-Saharan African countries rose 42% in U.S. dollar terms or 5.7% per year. In 1988, out of 33 countries for which data are available, exports of manufactures rose in 28, and the overall increase for the 33 was 15.8 %. In 1988, eleven Sub-Saharan countries exported manufactures in excess of US $100 million each, compared to seven countries in 1980; and in 1989, there was none. There also have been setbacks, for various reasons. But taking Sub-Saharan as a whole, to achieve a 60% increase in exports of manufactures to US $4 billion on a non-negligible base of US $2.5 billion in 1980, over an eight-year period marked by a commodity collapse, droughts, debt crisis, wars and policy disasters, is a remarkable achievement by any standard. In North Africa, exports of manufactures more than doubled between 1980 and 1987, and then accelerated at 18% per year in 1988-89. North African exports of manufactures are now running at US $5 billion per year. This diversification and growth of African exports must be sustained. For this purpose, African countries must have realistic exchange rates, undistorted product prices across the economy, sufficient supply of industrial inputs and hence adequate growth of agricultural and mineral output, and they must reconstruct the existing capital stock, in many places obsolete, and add new facilities. Their investment, a crucial element for further growth, has fallen sharply in the last decade of the debt crisis in Sub-Saharan Africa: the fall has been so severe that some countries have not even been able to fully replace depreciating capital. At the present level of domestic savings and international commodity prices, most of Africa cannot undertake the reconstruction, modernization and expansion out of domestic ressources to any significant extent. Foreign capital inflow is needed to initiate the recovery and to help sustain it thereafter. But such capital inflow will not take place until the present debt situation is cleared up. This is a necessary condition, even though it is not sufficient: it must be supported by domestic efforts single-mindedly dedicated to economic recovery and social justice. Past efforts at the solution of the debt problem, some of them imaginative and generous, have proven insufficient and uncoordinated. A new deal is needed, attacking the core of the Sub-Saharan problem: debts held by some multilateral financial institutions and debts held by the private sector, in addition to a further shrinking down of service on official bilateral debt or its total cancellation in an imaginative proposal. In North Africa, the acute liquidity squeeze of Algeria – debt service absorbing almost 70% of exports of goods and services per year – needs to be alleviated through debt rescheduling over the long term, thus releasing resources for needed economic recovery. Algeria's debt outstanding is relatively low; it is the service structure which needs radical change. While Africa's commodity problem is not on the agenda of the Abidjan Roundtable, one specific commodity situation can perhaps be handled: the cocoa crisis which affects severely a large part of West Africa and for which remedy seems relatively easily in hand. It is proposed that a consortium of international financial institutions be organized to finance, through loans of, say, 15 years duration, the sale of surplus cocoa stocks to Eastern Europe, thus contributing to cocoa price recovery and hopefully stabilization, and improvement of food supply in Eastern Europe. The operation would be no more risky than other balance-of-payments structural adjustment lending. Cocoa producing countries in parts of Latin America, the Caribbean and Asia would be also beneficiaries. Adjustment and development programmes should be prepared, and seen to be prepared, by national authorities of African countries rather than by foreign advisers and international organizations. Otherwise commitment will be lacking.     

教育信贷资产证券化：债性契约和股性契约的融合

教育信贷资产证券化的本质是债性合约与股性合约的分工与融合。银行利用其信息优势与贷款者形成债性合约，促成了学生融资的实现。然而，强风险特征与长周期特征与银行的“三性原则”相悖。资产证券化是解决相悖缺陷的有效方法，一方面证券化使得债性合约的持有主体发生转换，长周期问题得以解决；另一方面证券化的小额特征与合格投资人要求，使得风险得以一定程度的分散和适度的规避。但是，教育信贷资产证券化具有风险转移的特征，如果缺乏有效的约束机制，证券化制度可能会纵容银行发生道德风险。     

关于乡村新增债务问题的调研报告

乡村债务问题是当前我国农村经济发展中的一个突出问题。文章根据实地调查获取的相关数据和资料，在深入分析乡村新增债务原因的基础上，又定量地分析了导致乡村新增债务相关因素的影响程度，与此同时，还从理论上论证了在现实情况下维持适度乡村债务规模的必要性以及应采取的相关措施等。     

成本视角下的乡村债务问题分析

从成本的角度上分析,巨额乡村债务产生的主要原因在于改革成本及农村公共产品成本在中央与地方的不合理分担、乡村行政运行成本过高、“形象工程“导致的沉没成本过大以及债务利息成本过重等几个方面.减少或合理分担债务形成成本是化解乡村债务的一个新的思路.     

欧债危机背景下拓展中国对欧盟投资策略研究

进一步扩大对外直接投资已成为我国经济发展的必然选择。欧盟是我国第四大境外直接投资目的地,但我国对欧盟直接投资金额仅略超过全国境外直接投资总额的3%,尚有很大增长潜力。欧元区主权债务危机的爆发,使国际政治经济格局发生深刻演变,更为我国扩大对欧盟投资提供了新的视野和机遇。     

免征农业税后公共服务型农村基层政府建立的思考

免征农业税会带来农村一系列的问题,尤其是地方财政与债务危机。因此,迫切需要农村基层政府进行职能转型,建立公共服务型农村基层政府。本文提出,要推进我国农村基层政府向公共服务型转变,必须精简政府机构,增加公共品供给,同时改变对农村基层政府的考核方法。