Economics, Sociology, and the "Professional Complex"

A bstract .   This article discusses the relationship between economics and sociology in the context of Parsons's analytical theory of action and systems and his criticisms of orthodox and institutional economics. The article also addresses his view of the importance of the professions to an understanding of the nature of advanced capitalism. The professions are discussed as both an illustration of his theoretical argument and a substantive problem that stimulated the development of his theory. The "professional complex" is an emergent phenomenon in capitalism that modifies its operation and points to the complexity of systems of social action that require to be analyzed without being reduced to one of their elements. This reductionism is evident in orthodox economic theory and also in the more sociologically-oriented approach of institutional economics. Parsons argues that each is a form of what, following Whitehead, he calls the "fallacy of misplaced concreteness." Although Parsons offers a significant critique of dominant approaches in economics, major flaws within his own theory create the appearance that he has simply carried over the deficiencies of orthodox theory into his own general statement of theory. These flaws contribute to major misunderstandings of Parsons's project and, therefore, indicate continuing problems in the relation between economics and sociology.     

Spreading the Word: Transaction Cost Economics in the Conversation of Economics

Transaction cost economics is a key topic in many conversations in business and economics related disciplines, much as a result of Oliver Williamson's intellectual crusade. By claiming a “distinct worldview,” he develops arguments of association and differentiation to established worldviews, like traditional microeconomics, earlier institutionalism, Austrian and radical economics, and also within the new institutional economics itself, in order to advance his theory. His resourcefulness defies straight argumentative decisions, catering to different audiences whilst trying to break new ground. Surely Williamson has not pleased everyone, but his discourse is greatly responsible for placing TCE in the everyday parlance of economics.     

Max Weber

A bstract .   This paper argues that Weber's outline and research program is only of limited relevance for present-day economic sociology and heterodox economics because Weber had a rather narrow and static understanding of rationality and the economy. Uncertainty, both as a basic fact of economic life and in the interpretation of what rational action means in specific contexts, is missing in his approach. After a short discussion of the secondary literature on Weber's methodology, the paper focuses on the most important writings of Weber on methods and economics (e.g., his outline and some parts of Economy and Society ). The result of our investigation is that Weber shared a rather narrow, neoclassical understanding of the Austrian variant of economics. His important construction of goal-oriented behavior as the major methodological advice to analyze human action presupposes the idealized assumptions of perfect knowledge. His understanding of the market exchange process, price setting, and the functioning of full competition are rather conventional and elementary. Weber's genius did not materialize in the field of economics, but in his sociology of religion and law and in his sociology of domination.     

MAKING UP HISTORY: A COMMENT ON PRATTEN1

Stephen Pratten's critique of mathematical formalism in the discipline of economics does not provide an adequate definition of formalism and his use of the term bears little resemblance to common mathematical usage. Furthermore, Pratten abuses the history of economics by inventing an imaginary tradition of opposition to formalism among Cambridge economists.     

Letter to a Young Economist

Professor Prest prepares a recently graduated student of economics for the traps and tripwires of his profession. He is reticent about his allusions, and readers may guess - or grimace - at the organisations and individuals he has in mind.     

gary becker – nobel prizewinner

Who is Gary Becker and why did he win the 1992 Nobel Prize for economics? J.R. Shackleton, of Westminster University, explains why Gary Becker has earned his high reputation as an economist and gives an outline of his major publications.     

Oxford UP economics

Andrew Schuller, economics editor of the Oxford University Press, outlines his publishing plans for the coming year.     

The Changing Relationship Between Economic Sociology and Institutional Economics

A bstract In his early work. Talcott Parsons severely criticized Old Institutional Economists like Thorstein Veblen and Clarence Ayres. Parsons'main objection was that institutional economics had a misconceived view on the scope of economics: institutions, being the embodiment of values, were the proper subject of sociology rather than economics. By arguing for a clear-cut division of labor between economics and sociology. Parsons legitimated the divide between the two disciplines that came into being in the years to follow. Recently however, the relationship between economic-sociology and institutional economics has changed dramatically. New Economic Sociology (advocated by scholars like Mark Granovetter and Richard Swedberig) rejects the division of labor proposed by Parsons. By-providing substitutes rather than just complements to economics, it tries to counter economic imperialism. This creates significant similarities between New Economic Sociology, Old Institutional Economics and the recent return of institutionalism in economic theory. However, the quest for a division of labor between economics and sociology remains unfinished.     

routledge economics

Alan Jarvis, economics editor of Routledge, outlines his publishing plans for the coming year. He also describes Routledge's role as Hayek's publisher.     

Professor Ludwig M. Lachmann (1906-1990): Scholar, Teacher, and Austrian School Critic of Late Classical Formalism in Economics

Ludwig M. Lachmann was born in Berlin in 1906 and died in Johannesburg in 1990. For more than forty years, until his retirement in 1972, Lachmann established himself as a prominent South African economist and for a time served as head of the economics department at the University of Witwatersrand. From 1974 to 1987, he worked with Professor Israel Kirzner in New York City to give new shape and life to the older Austrian school of economics. Lachmann influenced a small army of modern Austrians to discard the elaborate formalisms of orthodox economics for a "radical subjectivism" that had its roots in the teachings of the founder of the Austrian school, Carl Menger. Here a small platoon of scholars offer their thoughts about Lachmann, his contributions to economic reasoning, and his eccentric but engaging character. First hand reports explain what their mentor taught and what his students took away. Lavoie makes the case that Lachmann's "radical subjectivism" took a rhetorical turn toward the end of Lachmann's career in New York City. In addition, Kirzner reports on his long and most productive relationship with Lachmann and provides additional insights about the seminal role of the Austrian Economics Seminar at New York University from 1985 to 1987 in giving shape to the modern Austrian revival. This article is the written version of a "Remembrance and Appreciation Session" held on June 28, 1999 at the History of Economics Society meeting at the University of North Carolina in Greensboro. It is one of an ongoing series that appears in the July issues of this journal.     

Franz Oppenheimer's (1864–1943) Social Economic Approach to Health

The idea of scholarly synthesis was central to the founders of the American Journal of Economics and Sociology. Franz Oppenheimer (1864–1943) in fact impersonated the idea of scholarly synthesis. Being the son of a Reformist rabbi—these religious roots provided the impulse for his work—he started out as a physician in the industrial suburbs of Berlin; his diagnosis was that he faced social and not medical disease, which consequently brought him to the study of economics. But unlike many mainstream economists today, he insisted on the necessary cooperation between economists and sociologists, ideally in one person. His chair in Frankfurt, showing his own handwriting, was denominated for economic theory and sociology. In this article, I show his contributions with respect to economic aspects of health. These are not well known. Part of the reason is that the field of health economics as it is taught now is very narrow. Therefore, Oppenheimer's health economic contributions tend to be overlooked.     

The Economics and Theology of Giving

What can economics add to the theology of charity? Dr Barry Bracewell-Milnes explains how charity increases total wealth and explores the relationship between his economic analysis and Christianity.     

Schmoller's Method as a Critique and Alternative to Marginalist Economics: a Comment to Louzek

This article comments upon Louzek ( 2011 ) in this journal, claiming that the analysis of Schmoller's method, as evidenced by his practice, allows us to highlight a few themes that are relevant not only in reconstructing his critique of Menger's methodological proposal but also for an extension of such critique to the current mainstream economics.     

The Eatwell-Milgate-Newman Dictionary Enlightenment or Ideology? Part II: Assessment

Arthur Seldon continues his appraisal of the four million-word'New Palgrave'Dictionary of Economics, potentially the most influential book of reference for students, teachers, and consumers of economics in industry and government.     

Economy as a Social System: Niklas Luhmann's Contribution and its Significance for Economics

Niklas Luhmann's (1927–1998) ambitious research project was aimed not only at describing society as a global social system, but it also analyzed various subsystems (including an economic one). The article assesses Luhmann's vision of the economy, summarized mainly in his Wirtschaft der Gesellschaft, wherein he addresses basic economic notions: the economic system, money, prices, rationality, and the market. I then interpret his ideas in the context of modern discussions in economics (intersubjective structures, complex systems, and evolutionary modeling). I also propose some heuristics implied by Luhmann's economic ontology, which are potentially interesting for methodological and theoretical strategies of modern economics.     

The Case for Economic Reasoning in MBA Education Revisited

Laurence S. Moss was a great scholar and author of countless articles and books. During his long career he continued to be excited by economics and history and made these subjects interesting to his students. For almost 30 years, undergraduate students enrolled in his Scams and Frauds class and Contemporary Economic Systems class in large numbers. Larry would engage students to think, to independently question prevailing truths, and to probe further. This essay is a reflection of our shared experience teaching in the full-time MBA program at Babson College.     

Honesty versus Cooperation:

ABSTRACT . A variety of empirical evidence suggests that economics students are less cooperative than are students in other disciplines. Anthony M. Yezer and his colleagues have recently provided a strong counter‐example claiming that economics students behave in a more honest manner than do noneconomics students. Since honesty and cooperation are not the same quality, there might be no contradiction between these two claims. Economics students seem to re‐present a special pattern of moral behavior that is characterized by respect for property rights and strong self‐interest motivation simultaneously.     

HAYEK AND MARKET SOCIALISM: SCIENCE,IDEOLOGY AND PUBLIC POLICY1

F. A. Hayek's significant intellectual contribution to a number of scholarly disciplines was grounded in his critique of socialist economics. This article sets out how Hayek's critique of classical and market socialism led to the development of his wide‐ranging research programme in the social sciences and shows that the implications of this research programme remain crucial to academic research and public policy in the twenty‐first century.     

The Henry George Theorem and the Entrepreneurial Process: Turning Henry George on his Head

This chapter offers an interpretation of the Henry George Theorem (HGT) that brings it squarely into the study and analysis of entrepreneurship somewhat loosening its ties to the subfield of urban economics. I draw on the pioneering work of Spencer Heath whose insights about the viability of proprietary communities were developed further by his grandson, Spencer Heath MacCallum who, in 1970, recognized that private real estate developers sometimes make their capital gains (mostly) by creating useful public spaces that others enjoy. I also draw inspiration from Fred Foldvary's effort in 1994 to synthesize the pubic goods problem in economics with the Henry George Theorem in urban economics. While the real estate owner—developer does emerge on my pages in a somewhat more favourable light than as originally portrayed by Henry George in his Progress and Poverty in 1879, I offer a realistic appraisal of the duplicitous behaviours required of such entrepreneurs. in the context of the modern regulatory state. Real estate development remains a 'hot button' item in local politics, and real estate developers must become genuine 'political entrepreneurs' if they are to complete their projects in a timely way and capture business profits. It is a complicated story that the HGT helps make intelligible in terms of human action.     

H. G. J. as Biographer's Subject: Some Autobiographical Writings

In the last decade of his life, Harry Johnson (1923–1977) wrote a number of autobiographical pieces. He published three relating to his periods in Cambridge (1946–47 and 1949–55), but he did not publish two long autobiographical notes and a series of memoirs of his undergraduate career at the University of Toronto (1939–43), his first teaching job as the entire economics department at St. Francis Xavier University in Antigonish, Nova Scotia (1943–44) and his later period in England (1966–74). This material provides a number of clues as to the way Harry wished to be remembered and the paper develops some of the strongest autobiographical themes common to them.