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John Alford 《Public Management Review》2014,16(3):299-316
AbstractThis article revisits Elinor Ostrom’s pioneering formulation more than three decades ago of the notion of co-production, which remains foundational, but closer scrutiny reveals further unexplored potential. This article focuses on the two parts of the term ‘co-production’, namely, its ‘production’, aspect with its sense of a process of turning inputs into products, and its ‘co’ aspect, with its sense of some kind of relationship. Both aspects have multiple facets, which are in some respects at odds and in others congruent with each other. The article canvasses ways of combining, trading off, and/or choosing between them. 相似文献
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Michael C. Munger 《American journal of economics and sociology》2004,63(1):149-160
ABSTRACT . The Ostroms have created a paper that goes to the very heart of the public choice enterprise. They suggest that we should conceive of the evolution of constitutional procedures and laws in analogy with biological evolution. One of the paper's central goals is to establish the logical foundations of political order. I take this goal seriously and compare explicitly the task of explaining order in biology and politics. In the case of biology, the task of evolutionary theory has been to give an account of why there are complex arrangements of genetic material called “organisms” (including humans, giraffes, and whales) rather than just a nutrient‐rich primordial ooze with no apparent structure. For the social scientist, the task is to explain why there are rules, structure, and stability in societies. 相似文献
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The Meaning,Prospects, and Future of the Commons: Revisiting the Legacies of Elinor Ostrom and Henry George 下载免费PDF全文
Franklin Obeng‐Odoom 《American journal of economics and sociology》2016,75(2):372-414
Elinor Ostrom's work on the commons has convinced mainstream economists that “collective” governance of the commons can overcome the “tragedy of the commons” and “free‐rider problems.” Yet, a more systematic appraisal of Ostrom's work shows that it contains no concept of justice. Her idea of rights is extremely limited, often tied to the notion of joint, rather than equal, rights. Indeed, for Ostrom, the notion of the commons is socially separatist and not ecological. Ostrom uses historical examples, but without analyzing how common possession historically evolved and was undermined by external forces. Hence her proposed “collective action” to save the commons actually accelerates the real threats to the commons. A strikingly different and more holistic approach to the commons is offered by Henry George, who posits the commons as the most important path to social, economic, and ecological sustainability. Unlike Ostrom, who studied the commons “scientifically” to show that some goods are neither private, public, nor club‐based, George studied the commons to understand and remove injustice at the roots. His approach is more critical and certainly more relevant today in showing that another world is possible. However, George's work too, requires significant changes to update its framing of the meanings, prospects, and future of the commons. 相似文献
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Tim Congdon 《Economic Affairs》1993,14(1):13-18
Britain does not have a 'deficit problem' and can sustain adove-trend economis growth with low inflation for same year to come. 相似文献
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Christopher Grey 《Journal of Management Studies》1996,33(5):591-612
This paper seeks to make a contribution to the critical literature on management and, more particularly, to the critique of managerialism. This is achieved via a consideration of the hitherto neglected writing of Simone Weil (1909–43) on management, work and organizations. Following an introduction to this work, attention is focused on Weil's notion of oppression, and detailed consideration is given to the conceptualization of management as a form of oppression. the bulk of the paper elaborates the significance of Weil's work for the critique of contemporary forms of managerialism. In particular, the development of new forms of managerial expertise, and the phenomenon of self-management, are analysed as forms of oppression. It is suggested that Weil offers the basis of a non-relativist post-Marxist form of ethically grounded critique in the field of management studies. 相似文献
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A bstract . In his comment on our paper. "The Economic Effects of Land Value Taxation: An Empirical Test," Professor Ben-chieh Liu criticizes the structure and specification of our model and indicates the existence of data deficiencies and testing problems. Professor Liu raises some interesting questions, but he does not offer any concrete evidence to refute our original conclusion that the land value tax (LVT) is not superior to the real property tax in terms of stimulating urban development. Since the LVT represents a radical departure from current tax policy , which would lead to significant changes in the distribution of income , the burden of empirical evidence rests on those who believe that it is superior. 相似文献
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Hillary Angelo David Wachsmuth 《International journal of urban and regional research》2015,39(1):16-27
Urban political ecology (UPE), an offshoot of political ecology that emerged in the late 1990s, has had two major impacts on critical urban studies: it has introduced critical political ecology to urban settings, and it has provided a framework for retheorizing the city as a product of metabolic processes of socionatural transformation. However, there was another goal in early UPE programmatic statements that has largely fallen by the wayside: to mobilize a Lefebvrian theoretical framework to trouble traditional distinctions between urban/rural and society/nature by exploring urbanization as a global process. Instead of following this potentially fruitful path, UPE has become bogged down in ‘methodological cityism’––an overwhelming analytical and empirical focus on the traditional city to the exclusion of other aspects of contemporary urbanization processes. Thus UPE's Lefebvrian promise, of a research program that could work across traditional disciplinary divisions and provide insights into a new era of planetary urbanization, has remained unfulfilled. In this article we trace UPE's history to show how it arrived at its present predicament, and offer some thoughts on a research agenda for a political ecology not of the city but of urbanization. 相似文献
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Stephen Gourlay 《Journal of Management Studies》2006,43(7):1415-1436
abstract Nonaka's proposition that knowledge is created through the interaction of tacit and explicit knowledge involving four modes of knowledge conversion is flawed. Three of the modes appear plausible but none are supported by evidence that cannot be explained more simply. The conceptual framework omits inherently tacit knowledge, and uses a radically subjective definition of knowledge: knowledge is in effect created by managers. A new framework is proposed suggesting that different kinds of knowledge are created by different kinds of behaviour. Following Dewey, non‐reflectional behaviour is distinguished from reflective behaviour, the former being associated with tacit knowledge, and the latter with explicit knowledge. Some of the implications for academic and managerial practice are considered. 相似文献
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