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1.
ABSTRACTThe purpose of this research is to determine Muslim consumers’ purchase perceptions of Halal products in Pakistan. The research team has integrated different factors such as processing, Halal logo, ingredients, health consciousness, perceived value, food safety concern, and religious factor with Theory of Reasoned Action (TRA), and they investigated their influence on consumers’ attitudes and intentions to purchase Halal food products. A survey was conducted in Islamabad and Rawalpindi city, Pakistan. A total of 282 (56.4%) completed questionnaires were received from 500 respondents. Structural equation modeling technique was used to determine consumers’ purchase intention and behavior regarding Halal products. Except for health consciousness and Halal logo, all factors positively influence consumers’ attitude and purchase intention of Halal food products and, subsequently, their purchase behavior. 相似文献
2.
《Journal of Property Research》2012,29(2):133-149
We analyze landlord market heterogeneity in the German rental housing market. Using data from the German Social‐Economic Panel survey for the years 2000–2005, we firstly identify significant differences in implicit prices for housing attributes between private, public, and association landlords in a cross‐section analysis through comprehensive segmentation testing. Based on that, we secondly present a balanced panel analysis for the entire period to investigate market price heterogeneity over time. In general, we detect the length of residence and the building size as the most important determinants for landlord segmentation. Most notably, differences between private and non‐private landlords are identified. 相似文献
3.
民国乡村秩序的整合:规范化过程--以1945年后的浙江省嘉兴地区乡村佃业纠纷为中心 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
近代以来,基于国家政权的下延,国家法规直接或间接地干预了乡村的日常社会秩序的运作,佃业双方由传统的业主定租额转到佃业双方面对面的争执。虽然在日常调解中,乡镇组织更注重于从情理上予以调解,但国家法的影响却蕴含于调解结果之中。在国家法和乡村习俗等多种条件作用下,近代乡村秩序不断进行新的规范化过程。 相似文献
4.
SUDIPTA BHATTACHARYYA 《Journal of Agrarian Change》2007,7(3):348-381
Based on a primary field survey and secondary sources of information, this study analyzes the West Bengal experience of participatory rural transformation in relation to the changing class structure in a differentiated rural economy, the rise in class-consciousness among the rural poor and the participation of different classes in the political process of decision-making. Utsa Patnaik's (1987 ) labour exploitation criterion is used in order to rank rural households in class terms, alongside the standard acreage groupings. This study strongly refutes the neo-liberal (World Bank) idea of social capital and civil society as sources of 'people's participation'. It is argued that 'people's participation' is a meaningless concept, since the 'people' as a category includes different classes with conflicting interests. Though subordinate classes in West Bengal have achieved a higher level of class consciousness than in the past, and have resisted extra economic coercion, and while their political participation has risen, their involvement at the grass roots level of administrative decision-making is very weak. Panchayat Raj has so far failed to initiate a second phase of institutional reform in West Bengal, encompassing education, gender justice and above all the co-operative movement. This partial failure is the outcome of short-term electoral benefit being given priority over and so undermining class struggle. 相似文献
5.
Jonathan Matusitz 《国际粮食与农业综合企业市场学杂志》2014,26(4):298-315
This article analyzes the Wal-Martization of the world by using a theoretical concept called grobalization. Grobalization refers to imperialistic goals, desires, and needs of large corporations, or even entire countries, to impose themselves in various areas of the world so that their power, influence, and profits can grow. As a form of unbounded capitalism and cultural imperialism, grobalization is both a specific and an extreme form of globalization. The rapid global expansion of Wal-Mart, the largest and most successful corporation in the world, exemplifies the reality of grobalization. The Wal-Martization of the world has revealed that local cultures are being overwhelmed by grobalization. As the grobal penetrates the local ever more, less and less of that local will remain uninhibited by grobal influences. As illustrated in the Wal-Martization of Mexico and China, cultures are changing as a result of grobalization. 相似文献
6.
This study assesses the de jure and de facto land market legal restrictions in the Tigray region in Ethiopia and the extent of implementation of the new land rental restrictions that were introduced in 2006 that state that not more than 50% of a farm can be rented out. The knowledge, perceptions and attitudes regarding the law among local Land Administration Committee (LAC) members, local conflict mediators and a sample of rural households are investigated. We find that the rented area restriction is commonly violated and not enforced. The law is circumvented by framing sharecropping as something other than land rental, although sharecropping is the dominant land rental contract in the region. When it is made clear that the law may hurt weak and vulnerable (often female-headed) households that are unable to farm their land themselves and therefore rent it out, the large majority of LAC members, conflict mediators and rural households are against the law. 相似文献
7.
Nicolas Martin 《Journal of Agrarian Change》2014,14(3):419-434
Development optimists in South Asia have argued that electoral politics and the reduced role of villages as centres of economic activity have largely put an end to exploitation by dominant castes. Although the political arrangements that have emerged out of these changes fall short of the idealized standards of civil society, various commentators have argued that they nevertheless benefit subordinate classes. Partha Chatterjee even argues that the ad hoc and extra‐legal nature of these political arrangements – which he terms ‘political society’ – actually serve popular enfranchisement better than the law‐bound activities of civil society, which he sees as captive to capital. On the basis of village ethnography from the Pakistani Punjab, I argue that political society is in fact integral to processes that dispossess people of their rights and to the reproduction of elite power. The paper illustrates how it is not the cold rationality of the state and the rule of law that disenfranchise subordinate classes, but their absence. 相似文献
8.
Pakistan used an export tax on raw cotton from 1988-1995 in order to suppress the internal price of cotton to benefit the domestic yarn industry. An analysis was conducted to estimate the impact of this policy on both the cotton and yarn sectors. These effects were simulated using the results ol a structural econometric model of these sectors of Pakistan's economy Results indicated that the export tax had a negative impact on the growth rale in the cotton sector, while having little or no impact on the yarn sector. Thus, the export lax did not achieve its objective of increasing the growth rate of value-added (yarn) production above what would have occurred naturally. 相似文献
9.
Jacob Ricker‐Gilbert Jordan Chamberlin Joseph Kanyamuka Charles B.L. Jumbe Rodney Lunduka Stevier Kaiyatsa 《Agricultural Economics》2019,50(5):595-613
We estimate the efficiency and equity returns to farmland rental markets in Malawi using a matched tenant–landlord survey of smallholder farm households in four districts. Our sample allows us to more fully observe the landlord side of the rental market, which is almost always missing in previous studies. Our results suggest that land rental markets promote efficiency by facilitating a net transfer of land to more productive farmers. We also find that land rental markets promote equity as conventionally defined in the land markets literature, that is, by transferring land from land‐rich households to land‐poor households, and from labor‐poor to labor‐rich households. However, our study identifies some important challenges for land rental markets in this context. First, we find that tenants in our sample are wealthier than their landlord counterpart on average in all dimensions other than landholding. In addition, most landlords report the motive for renting out their land as either the need for immediate cash, or the lack of labor and/or capital to cultivate the plot that was rented out. These findings align with concerns about potential “stress renting” by poor landlords and suggest the value of defining equity along a broader set of dimensions other than simply equalizing the distribution of farmland and labor. 相似文献
10.
《国际粮食与农业综合企业市场学杂志》2013,25(4):13-29
Summary This article examines the relationship between agricultural exports and economic growth. Pakistan is used as a case study due to its large amounts of agricultural exports which have competed with industry for government support. This study estimates three simultaneous equations representing GDP, agricultural exports, and total imports while incorporating factors such as income remittances from abroad, investment, and manufactured exports as independent variables. The timing of this information is critical as Pakistan's policy makers now face major agricultural reforms in their quest for development. The estimation results show that a favorable relationship exists between agricultural exports and growth in GDP. 相似文献
11.
《国际粮食与农业综合企业市场学杂志》2013,25(1):19-31
Profitable direct and cross hedging opportunities exist for Zaire coffee hedgers, and some periods may offer significantly superior opportunities. External events and internal policy changes contributed to instability of Zaire hedge ratios. The importance of internal economic and financial changes must be considered to supplement international coffee market information. Other Third World Countries should consider the potential of using international commodities and financials futures markets for information and risk management in the trade of raw materials but be aware of changes in market and financial risks relative to their domestic situation. 相似文献
12.
Xingliang Ma Melinda Smale David J. Spielman Patricia Zambrano Hina Nazli Fatima Zaidi 《Journal of Agricultural Economics》2017,68(2):366-385
Bt cotton remains one of the most widely grown biotech crops among smallholder farmers in lower income countries, and numerous studies attest to its advantages. However, the effectiveness of Bt toxin, which depends on many technical constraints, is heterogeneous. In Pakistan, the diffusion of Bt cotton occurred despite a weak regulatory system and without seed quality control; whether or not many varieties sold as Bt are in fact Bt is also questionable. We utilise nationally representative sample data to test the effects of Bt cotton use on productivity. Unlike previous studies, we invoke several indicators of Bt identity: variety name, official approval status, farmer belief, laboratory tests of Bt presence in plant tissue, and biophysical assays measuring Bt effectiveness. Only farmer belief affects cotton productivity in the standard production model, which does not treat Bt appropriately as damage‐abating. In the damage control framework, all Bt indicators reduce damage from pests. Biophysical indicators have the largest effect and official approval has the weakest. Findings have implications for impact measurement. For policy‐makers, they suggest the need, on ethical and productivity grounds, to improve variety information and monitor variety integrity closer to point of sale. 相似文献
13.
PAUL KELEMEN 《Journal of Agrarian Change》2007,7(1):76-98
The article examines the formation of the British Labour Party's colonial policy towards Africa. It traces how the early Radical Liberal critique of colonial rule gave way to the influence of Fabianism, which provided the guidelines to the Labour government's post-war development measures. These sought to incorporate Africans into institutions which would simultaneously provide more productive labour and consolidate colonial rule. The development of the African colonies was believed to reside in restructuring the interface between the state and society. A challenge to the Party's Fabian-inspired colonial policy emerged in the 1950s. In the midst of the ideological struggle between the party's left and right wings, arguments questioning the African colonies' economic subordination to metropolitan interests briefly entered into policy debates. 相似文献
14.
Trent Brown 《Journal of Agrarian Change》2020,20(1):188-206
The concept of food regimes, as developed by Friedmann and McMichael, has proven useful in analysing how systems of food production, distribution, and consumption are linked to cycles of global capital accumulation and identifying the contradictions and conflicts that underlie them. A question that food regime analysis is relatively less able to address, however, is how food regimes become established and endure with the apparent acquiescence of those who are the victims of their contradictions and inequities. In this paper, I argue that a deeper engagement with Gramsci's theory of hegemony may help to address this lacuna in food regime analysis. To illustrate my case, I draw on studies of rural India from the colonial period to the present day, highlighting the ways in which the hegemonic mechanisms of consent and coercion have been crucial to the consolidation of each of the three food regimes identified by Friedmann and McMichael. 相似文献
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16.
Agriculture sector of Pakistan has traditionally followed an unsustainable path due to degradation of agricultural resources. Therefore, this study was carried out to find environmental, economic and social sustainability of agriculture in Punjab, Sindh, KPK and Balochistan provinces of Pakistan. Based mainly on secondary data, covering the period of 2005/06–2012/13, each dimension of sustainability was analyzed using selected indicators. Crop diversification, soil salinity, and the use of organic and inorganic fertilizers and pesticides were the indicators considered for environmental sustainability analysis. For economic sustainability analysis, change in overall crop production and stability of crop production were the indicators used. Employment of rural labor force and food security were indicators used for social sustainability analysis. The findings from the analyses revealed a tendency towards unsustainable agricultural production in all provinces. This was caused by overuse of inorganic fertilizer, pesticides and groundwater for irrigation in Sindh and Punjab. The lack of sustainable agricultural production in KPK and Balochistan was due to limited use of fertilizer and pesticides in some areas and altogether no use in other areas. Use of groundwater for irrigation in the coastal areas of Balochistan further reinforced agricultural unsustainability. Thus, it was deduced from the findings of this research that there are regional differences in agricultural sustainability in Pakistan. Therefore, it is recommended to formulate effective regional agricultural policies based on local level research and revise agricultural extension structure in order to incorporate need-based services with better dissemination of information and farm level trainings. In addition, broad policy recommendations are made for sustainable agricultural development in each province under the scope of the study. 相似文献
17.
ABSTRACTThis paper analyzes factors influencing consumption decision of pesticide free fruits (PFF) and estimates the willingness to pay (WTP) price premium for PFF in Pakistan. A contingent valuation survey of 200 households was conducted using face to face interview and payment card method. Results suggested that 93.5% respondents were WTP higher prices for PFF. Remarkably, around 35% respondents were WTP 16–20% higher prices and 24% respondents were WTP 6–10% higher prices for PFF than the existed conventional price. In addition, our ordered logit regression suggests that demographic and socio-economic variables such as age, education, income, household’s size and perception about health benefits are significantly associated with higher WTP for PFF. 相似文献
18.
Noaman G. Ali 《Journal of Agrarian Change》2020,20(2):270-288
State formation in post‐colonial societies is often explained with reference to the roles of elites. In Pakistan, landed elites continue to dominate the rural political economy through informal and formal institutions, but the history of its largest peasant movement shows how agrarian class struggle can change the institutional forms and functions of power. The Hashtnagar peasant movement achieved lasting de facto land and tenancy reforms in north‐western Pakistan in the 1970s through forcible land occupations that were regularized by state intervention. I argue that although divisions among elites were important, the state intervened in favour of peasants due to the rising organizational power of tenants and landless labourers under the centralized leadership of the radical Mazdoor Kisan Party. Agrarian class struggle weakened the informal power of landed elites and gave rise to institutions of peasant power. However, other fractions of the ruling class sought to undermine their landed opponents while co‐opting the militancy of the peasant movement by strengthening state institutions to intervene in favour of upwardly mobile tenants. The latter were separated from poorer peasants and the landless, thus demobilizing the movement. 相似文献
19.
This paper analyses the right-wing populist rule of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (AKP) in Turkey, focusing on the crisis of capitalism, emerging discontent in the rural populations, and opportunities for and obstacles to a successful left-wing populist mobilisation. We put forward three arguments. First, through an examination of the historical evolution, class-based and social-demographic foundations of the ruling right-wing populist alliance between the AKP and the Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi (MHP), we argue that the MHP is a more classical case of far-right populism, whereas the AKP is a “heterodox” case that borrows several elements from the left. These “heterodox” features of the AKP, together with the interlinked crisis of the 1990s, played a significant part in the support the AKP received from the subordinate majority. Second, we argue that the success of the AKP's hegemonic right-wing populism from 2002 to 2013 was linked to an unusually favourable macro-political-economic climate that helped the AKP counterbalance its neoliberal policies with pragmatic social assistance programmes. However, together with the disappearance of this macro-political-economic climate in the second decade of its rule (2013-present), the disastrous consequences of the AKP's neoliberal policies became more explicit, and the AKP's populism moved from a hegemonic to an authoritarian right-wing populist type. Third, we claim that today, due to the deepening of the current economic crisis (further exacerbated by the Covid19 pandemic), the AKP's cross-class alliance began to break down, and the rural movements in the Turkish countryside have been playing a major role in unmaking the AKP's hegemony. However, in the absence of a strong left-wing populist movement with a stronghold in the Turkish countryside, emergent possibilities for a radical progressive transformation are not utilised. Instead, the groundwork is being laid for another wave of right-wing populism. 相似文献
20.
Activists and scholars have debated whether “agrarian populisms” premised on multiple classes and groups can pursue progressive objectives if exploiters and exploited are in the same movements. In Pakistan, the militant Pakistan Kissan Ittehad emerged in 2012 by uniting different classes of owner-cultivators who are largely not in direct relations of exploitation with each other. We argue that the PKI nevertheless advances the interests of a “second tier” of rural capitalists, who exploit rural labourers, while underplaying the interests of owner-peasant farmers. This divergence of interests has contributed to the fragmentation of PKI along class and political lines, including attempts by peasant farmers to independently organize around issues particular to them. We suggest that progressive agrarian populism must hinge on the interests of rural labourers and peasant farmers and that second-tier capitalist farmers may be tactical allies as they oppose neoliberal globalization. However, rural labourers and peasants are ideologically and organizationally weak, and thus, the possibility of left-wing agrarian populism requires much legwork. 相似文献