美国128号公路缘何在低谷徘徊

128号公路高技术产业区是波士顿市的一条高速公路，地处美国东海岸线马萨诸塞州的一个角上，长90公里；距市区16公里，环绕波士顿呈半圆型，沿公路两侧聚集了数以千计的研究机构和技术型企业，呈线状分布，并与麻省理工学院等大学相连接，简称128号公路。70年代，与硅谷齐名的128号公路作为世界电子技术的创新引导中心，受到世人的赞誉；80年     

纺织品配额将优化中国企业

[美国《华尔街日报》9月7日]黄朝宏（Huang Chaohong，音译）沿着一条坑坑洼洼、尘土满天的公路一路走来，两边满是临时搭建的咖啡屋和摇摇欲坠的砖砌建筑，他不禁对世界贸易的独特之处感到惊讶。     

钢城路上尽美景

我们坐汽车沿着伊(春)鹤(岗)公路飞驰,穿越一路绵延的绿色,当看到汤旺河顺流而下,不远处的一座新城,就此与我们面对面。这里就是西林。一排排崭新的楼房,一条条宽敞的马路,一处处市民健身文化广场,这些随处可遇,又会让初来者感到莫大的舒适     

四川旅游热线“乐西路“挥之不去的民族英雄情结

横亘在眼前的这条旅游热线公路乐西路(乐山市至西昌市),因其喧哗与杂乱的交通状况,很容易把游人卷入对这条公路的抱怨情绪中去或是因为它沿途的络绎不绝的烟囱粗野、无忌地向天空排放着肮脏的烟尘,或是因为水泥路面的碎裂破坏了流畅的驾驶乐趣,或者三轮车、大卡车、小轿车等各式样的车辆争路,导致大家都互相责备没有驾驶素质,……总之,眼前的一切景象都让人感到无趣和烦闷,只想快速地通过它好去寻找个人设计好的各色小小的人生乐趣.……     

四川旅游热线"乐西路"挥之不去的民族英雄情结

横亘在眼前的这条旅游热线公路乐西路(乐山市至西昌市),因其喧哗与杂乱的交通状况,很容易把游人卷入对这条公路的抱怨情绪中去或是因为它沿途的络绎不绝的烟囱粗野、无忌地向天空排放着肮脏的烟尘,或是因为水泥路面的碎裂破坏了流畅的驾驶乐趣,或者三轮车、大卡车、小轿车等各式样的车辆争路,导致大家都互相责备没有驾驶素质,……总之,眼前的一切景象都让人感到无趣和烦闷,只想快速地通过它好去寻找个人设计好的各色小小的人生乐趣.     

中交中国路桥承建的柬埔寨57号公路开工

3月26日，由中交中国路桥承建的柬埔寨57号公路在拜林市举行开工仪式。柬埔寨首相洪森、中国驻柬埔寨大使张金凤出席仪式，柬埔寨国家军政要员和一些外国驻柬使节以及各界群众等近2万人参加开工仪式。柬埔寨57号公路位于柬埔寨西部，是柬埔寨5号公路的次干线，也是拜林市连接马德望省、通向首都金边唯一的一条公路。该路全长103公里。道路标准宽度11米，双层表处路面。合同金额4，188万美元，工期40个月，由中交中国路桥负责设计施工。     

泰柬越拟建国际高速公路

泰柬越拟建国际高速公路据柬埔寨计划部长最近称，湄公河流域区域性国际高速公路，将于１９９７年开始兴建。这一条公路是从泰国边境（即从马德望的５号公路）至柬国的金边，通向１号公路的柴侦，到越南边境的巴沃区。从金边至巴沃这段公路计划在２００１年完成，使用亚洲...     

食品企业海外退市为哪般

2012年11月中旬，一名山西投资者把谋求私有化欲从美国退市的飞鹤乳业诉至美国加州洛杉矶法院，指控飞鹤董事会违反了对公司的忠实义务和美国其他相关法律。在加州帕萨迪纳市，也有一起针对飞鹤私有化收购的类似诉讼。     

世界科技园的成功密码（上）

美国加州大学伯克利分校教授N.卡斯特尔和O.霍尔在《世界的高技术园区》一书中把世界高新区管理模式分为4类：（1）由建立高技术公司的产业综合体组成。如美国加州的硅谷和波士顿128公路地区。这些综合体的特征是把研究与开发和制造联系起来。（2）科学城。它通常由政府进行规划与建设，把大批研究机构和科学家集中在高质量的城市空间，为产生卓越的科学成就而进行协同研究活动。如：前苏联西伯利亚城，韩国的大德科学城和日本的筑波科学城，     

金融支持跨国项目的探索与实践——以中俄黑龙江阿穆尔河大桥建设为例

中俄黑龙江阿穆尔河大桥于2016年12月24日正式开工建设,这是中俄界河黑龙江上首座现代化公路大桥,大桥建成后将形成一条新的国际公路大通道,为"一带一路"中蒙俄经济走廊建设以及龙江丝路带建设增添了重要跨境基础设施,而金融在支持大桥项目建设上起到了不可替代的作用。     

The role of U.S. naval power in the Asia‐pacific region: From regional protector to regional balancer

For more than four decades, U.S. engagement in the Asia‐Pacific was centered on two premises: a Cold War commitment to Asian security and the remarkable economic power of the U.S. The U.S. Navy provided a symbol of the United States’ commitment to protect its interests and those of its major Asian‐pacific allies. Despite the end of the Cold War, the security environment of the Asia‐Pacific region is still less changed and even a new threat of a regional naval arms race emerged in the 1990s. In this context, although forward deployments of U.S. military power in the Western Pacific have been scaled down, it is certain that the U.S. naval force will continue to play an important role as a key “regional balancer.” Amid the collapse of the Soviet Union and in the post‐Cold War era, the U.S. has still emphasized the maintenance of a U.S. forward‐deployed presence and strong defense alliances with U.S. allies in order to prevent the emergence of regional hegemonic powers and to contribute to regional stability as well as improve U.S. economic interests. Moreover, in the face of a multitude of threats from state and non‐state actors, the U.S. Navy is increasingly focused on and driven by the demands of peacetime and crisis forward presence.     

Persistent Poverty and the Failure of Area-Based Initiatives in the U.S.

Recent poverty statistics in the U.S. have raised fundamental questions regarding the effectiveness of anti-poverty programs over the last four decades. While discussing the historical backdrop against which many of the area-based initiatives were designed, this paper provides an analysis of changes in poverty rates in the U.S., particularly in California and Los Angeles County. The findings suggest that the changing nature of poverty, including its spatial diffusion over the last three decades, may require alternatives to the re-emerging spatial targeting practices of centrist governments in the U.S. and the U.K.     

Political Economy of the Asia-Pacific Free Trade Area： A Dilemma for China

The Asia‐Pacific Free Trade Area (FTAAP) has become a topic of focus since the proposal was first raised in 2004. The present paper considers China's policy towards the FTAAP from a political economy perspective by probing the gains, impediments and concerns for China, and makes judgments based on several possible scenarios. The author argues that from an economic perspective, China would benefit from joining the FTAAP both in a static and a dynamic manner because both its main trade partners and trade barriers in export markets are concentrated in the Asia‐Pacific region. However, whether the Chinese Government is likely to support the initiative is largely dependent on certain crucial political and diplomatic elements, including the APEC approach, US‐Chinese relations, quality of treaty, sensitive sectors, competitive proposal of alternative and membership of Chinese Taipei. Therefore, if the Chinese Government cannot ratify the ideology and terms of the initiative, or issues that are central to China's interests are not addressed, the FTAAP will only remain a proposal possessing economic possibility in the long run, without political feasibility in the near term.     

Is Japan's trade (still) different?

Does Japanese trade in manufactured goods differ from the rest-of-the world average and from the US? We use a simple industry-level gravity model and 1981–1998 data to answer this question. We construct a measure of normalized imports by dividing bilateral industry-level imports by the importer's aggregate absorption and the exporter's industry output. We find that Japan imports less than other countries, but also exports less than other countries. Relative to the US, Japanese export performance is half as strong today as it was in the mid-1980s. Bilaterally, Japan is more open to imports from the US than the US is to imports from Japan. This means that the US runs a trade surplus with Japan in normalized imports of manufactured goods. J. Japanese Int. Economies 17 (4) (2003) 507–519.     

New Estimates of the United States–China BilateralTrade Balances

The United States and China have vastly different official estimates of the bilateral trade imbalance. The U.S. figures show that the United States had a merchandise trade deficit of US$68.7 billion vis-à-vis China in 1999 whereas the Chinese figures show that China had a merchandise trade surplus of only US$22.4 billion vis-à-vis the United States. There is a difference of US$46.3 billion. Which set of figures is right? It turns out that neither side is completely right. Various factors, such as f.o.b.–c.i.f. adjustments and treatments of re-exports and re-export markups, complicate the measurement of the bilateral trade balance between the United States and China. One important conclusion that emerges is that while U.S. trade statistics may be more reliable than Chinese trade statistics, even they are not completely accurate. By explicitly taking into account the aforementioned factors, the discrepancy between the adjusted U.S. and Chinese data on the bilateral trade balance in 1999 is narrowed from US$46.3 billion to US$4.8 billion, or approximately 10% of the initial figure. Our best estimate for the true U.S.–China bilateral merchandise trade balance for 1999 is US$47.8 billion, in China's favor. If we take into account the trade in services, in which the United States has traditionally enjoyed a surplus, the U.S.–China bilateral trade balance may be estimated at approximately US$45 billion in 1999. Compared with the U.S. trade deficit with Japan (over US$70 billion in 1999), the U.S.–China trade deficit, appropriately adjusted, is still significantly smaller. J. Japan. Int. Econ., March 2001, 15(1), pp. 102–130. Department of Economics, University of California, Santa Cruz, California 95064; and Department of Economics, Stanford University, Stanford, California 94305-6072. Copyright 2001 Academic Press.Journal of Economic Literature Classification Numbers: F10, F13.     

Does decentralization reduce income inequality? Only in rich states

We investigate the relationship between fiscal decentralization and income inequality using data from U.S. states over three and a half decades. Our study contributes to the literature in several ways in terms of empirical methodology and specification. First, we take into account integration and cointegration properties of the data and estimate the cointegrating relationship between fiscal decentralization and income inequality using Fully Modified Ordinary Least Squares, following Pedroni (2000). Second, we investigate the direction of the causality. Finally, and perhaps most importantly, we investigate if the relationship between fiscal decentralization and income inequality is conditional on income in each state. We find that fiscal decentralization does reduce income inequality, but only in rich states. We also find that causality runs from fiscal decentralization to income inequality, not the other way around.     

Local labor market conditions and foreign direct investment flows in the U.S.

This study evaluates the impact of industry and state-specific economic conditions on inward Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in several states in the U.S. FDI inflows in the U.S. are attracted by high industry and state specific labor productivity, and also by high state spending on education. Multinational companies seem to highly value a productive and educated labor force.     

基于TPP的亚太经济一体化前景分析及中国的对策

作为亚太地区新的区域合作政策之一的TPP被看作是美国实现重返亚洲的有力工具,一直以来受到美国的关注和力推,必然对已经存在多种经济合作形式的亚太区域经济一体化进程产生重要的影响。文章首先梳理亚太区域经济一体化进程,提出TPP的由来和发展,并对TPP能否实现多边性区域主义进行剖析,以此作为预测亚太区域经济一体化前景的依据,并为中国进一步参与区域经济一体化提供对策建议。     

全球价值链分工下中美双边贸易要素结构分析——对HOV定理的再检验

全球价值链分工下要素的跨境流动赋予了贸易要素含量新的内涵。本文提出了符合全球价值链分工特征的贸易要素含量测算框架,并以中美贸易为对象对Heckscher-Ohlin-Vanek（简称HOV）定理的有效性进行检验。结果表明,中美双边贸易的要素结构并不符合HOV定理的预期,中国对美国的资本净出口大于劳动净出口,且二者之间的差距在逐渐增大。美国跨国公司的FDI和中美两国劳动生产率差异导致的中国（美国）对美国（中国）出口资本/劳动比的提升（下降）是造成这一结果的主要原因。中美两国劳动要素结构体现出显著的互补性。优化要素结构,提升中高技术劳动对中国出口增加值的贡献度,是实现中国比较优势动态升级的基础。     

警惕全球金融危机升级的危险

当前，美欧金融机构和工业企业纷纷陷入经营困境，它们发行的金融和企业债券违约率迅速攀升。美国消费贷款、信用卡、汽车贷款的质量也严重恶化，可能引爆此次贷危机还要猛烈许多倍的冲击波。美国金融利益集团仍然操纵着政府和联邦储备银行，用不断印钞票稀释债权的办法向全世界转嫁危机，威胁到世界各国拥有的巨额外汇储备，中国和世界各国都不应对此保持沉默。