高职院校学生顶岗实习思想政治教育的特点、内容与方法

顶岗实习是高等职业院校学生将理论融于实践,实现"零距离"就业必经的环节,目前各职业院校都在积极探索和实践这一模式.如何对高职院校学生在顶岗实习中进行有效的思想政治教育是提高高职顶岗实习教学效果的关键所在.文章分析了在顶岗实习中进行思想政治教育的特点、内容,阐述了提高高职院校学生顶岗实习思想政治教育效果的方法.     

高职院校学生顶岗实习思想政治教育的特点、内容与方法

顶岗实习是高等职业院校学生将理论融于实践,实现“零距离”就业必经的环节,目前各职业院校都在积极探索和实践这一模式。如何对高职院校学生在顶岗实习中进行有效的思想政治教育是提高高职顶岗实习教学效果的关键所在。文章分析了在顶岗实习中进行思想政治教育的特点、内容,阐述了提高高职院校学生项岗实习思想政治教育效果的方法。     

高校学生安全教育“四位一体”模式的构建——以校园内外发生的各类安全危机事件为视角

近些年,频繁出现在高校里的校园安全事故以及社会上发生违法违规违道德的暴力事件已屡见不鲜,这对高等教育体制、高校管理方式带来艰巨的挑战。通过四位一体的高校学生安全教育模式,从教育的机制、内容、体系、方式四个维度着手,整合学校资源和社会资源,有效地帮助高校减少人力、财力、物力、时间等管理成本的投入,使教育工作更加规范化、系统化,为构建文明校园、和谐社会和更好地服务学生成长成才提供新的实现模式。     

21世纪初农村反贫困战略与农民增收的互动分析

农村反贫困战略是一项艰巨而又复杂的任务,它需要花大力气、长时间去解决.在近年来农民收入增速连年下滑的情况下,新世纪初农村反贫困战略遇到了新的挑战.一部分刚刚解决温饱的贫困人口不仅未奔向小康,反而重新返贫.在此背景下,我们应从贫困地区自身的角度出发,分析近几年来农民收入增长缓慢对农村反贫困战略的不利影响,关注新世纪初农村反贫困战略与农民增收的互动性,使贫困人口尽快真正脱贫奔小康.     

Currency magnitude and cognitive biases: Evidence of dividend rounding in Latin America

In this article, we contribute to a branch of literature that examines cognitive biases that influence corporate decision making. We examine whether Latin American firms round their dividend distributions based on a managerial heaping heuristic. Heaping is a bias to round numbers even though precise results are desired. Our study focuses on dividends in four Latin American markets with starkly different currency magnitudes. We hypothesize and report that currency magnitude significantly influences the characteristics of rounding observed in the dividend data. From 1990 through 2018, we report that 57% of Colombian dividends are heaped to a one decimal place or less of the local currency. The proportions are 49% for Chilean dividends, but only 11% for Mexican dividends and 2% for Brazilian dividends respectively. Consistent with the prior literature, we also report that the likelihood of heaping of dividends in each country is significantly related to both dividend size, and to the level of information uncertainty faced by firm management.     

大学生校园导游培养研究与实践——以深圳大学旅游文化系为例

本文介绍了深圳大学旅游文化系2013-2015年培养大学生校园导游的背景、实施、激励、发展瓶颈与前景等方面的经验,力求探索体现大学生价值的创新模式。     

在宁高校退伍复学学生学习现状研究——以保留入学资格和在校入伍复学学生进行对比研究

随着我国国防事业对高素质人才的需求日渐增加,高校中的退伍复学大学生逐年增多,而两年的军营生活所带来的各种适应性问题是否得到了解决?本文根据对南京地区高校退伍复学学生的学习现状调查结果寻找当今困扰退伍复学学生的问题,分析其内在原因,并提出一些建议。     

Weird Exoskeletons: Propositional Politics and the Making of Home in Underground Bucharest

The article explores the politics of life underground in Bucharest, Romania. It focuses on a tunnel passing under Bucharest's central train station, where a community of drug users and so‐called ‘homeless’ have made a long‐standing home, using a space that many others considered uninhabitable. Relying on extensive ethnographic observations and interviews undertaken within the tunnels, the article traces and illustrates the socio‐material entanglements characterizing life underground. It frames this assemblage of bodies, veins, syringes, substances and various relationships of power and affect, as a ‘propositional politics’ of home and life at the margins. Such a politics speaks of drug addiction and extreme marginalization, but also of a sense of belonging, reciprocal trust and care. In tracing such a politics, the article does not aim to romanticize the status of home in the underground or to treat it as the marginal antithesis of normative homeliness, but to reveal the ways in which an affirmative, self‐grounding politics of home emerges from the immanence of tunnel life within the fabric of the city. As such, the article contributes to debates around homing practices in conditions of uninhabitability and proposes a radical approach to the politics of life at the margins in the contemporary urban.     

Inequality and Politics in the Creative City-Region: Questions of Livability and State Strategy

City-regionalism and livability are concepts that feature prominently in recent writings on urban politics and policy. Policy discussions have seen the two concepts fused together in such a way that regional competitiveness is generally understood to entail high levels of ‘livability’ while urban livability is increasingly discussed, measured and advocated at a city-regional scale. It is, then, important to understand how these concepts work in tandem and to delineate the often-elided politics of reproduction through which they operate. This paper begins by elaborating on the politically powerful fusion of city-regionalist and urban livability discourses, using the example of Richard Florida’s creative city argument. It then discusses the politics of city-regionalism and livability through the case of Austin, Texas, a city that has framed its policy in terms of regionalism and livability but which is also characterized by marked income inequality and a neighborhood-based political struggle over the city’s future. The paper concludes by drawing lessons from the discussion and suggesting that the city-regional livability agenda can best be understood as a geographically selective, strategic, and highly political project.     

Political Instability and Economic Growth: Implications of Coup Events in Sub-Saharan Africa

The study examines the differential roles of various elite political instability (PI) events—successful coups d'etat, abortive coups, or coup plots—in the growth of Sub-Saharan Africa. It analyzes World Bank economic statistics and data on the incidence of coups d'etat for 31 countries in a cross-country augmented production function framework that incorporates PI events as well as labor and capital as arguments. It finds that abortive coups, rather than successful coups, had the greatest adverse impact on economic growth over the 1960–1986 period. Coup plots were also observed to be growth-inhibiting. This deleterious "direct" effect of PI is observed to be channeled via the deterioration in the marginal productivity of capital, regardless of coup event. While abortive coups negatively influenced economic growth monotonically, however, the impacts of successful coups and coup plots appeared to be non-monotonic: negative generally but positive at very low levels of investment.     

Urban Segregation and Metropolitics in Latin America: The Case of Bogotá, Colombia

The patterns of spatial socioeconomic segregation in Latin American cities are changing rapidly as a result of suburbanization and metropolization. However, the political consequences of these urban spatial processes are not well understood. This article uses Orfield's framework of analysis to test the hypothesis that spatial segregation at the metropolitan level is driving political polarization between Latin American cities and their suburbs. With Bogotá as a testing ground, we look for evidence that the mechanisms described by Orfield are at play. We conclude that metropolitan spatial segregation does not drive metropolitan politics in Bogotá and explore some of the theoretical implications thereof.     

Spaces of Extraction,Metropolitan Explosions: Planetary Urbanization and the Commodity Boom in Latin America

Through an exploration of the political economy of the current commodity boom in Latin America, and on the basis of recent appropriations of Henri Lefebvre's notion of planetary urbanization, this article proposes viewing spaces of resource extraction resulting from an escalating international demand for raw materials as particular morphological expressions of market‐driven processes of urbanization. Furthermore, the article draws on Lefebvre to argue that such burgeoning spaces of urbanization are the result of a contradictory tension between spatial homogenization—in the form of multiscalar governance frameworks and infrastructural programs—and territorial fragmentation—in the form of fixed capital allocations and state‐led spatial segregation. When considered jointly, these contradictory movements allow us to grasp fully the extent of the problematic explosion of spaces that, according to Lefebvre, characterizes capitalist urbanization. The article concludes by reflecting on the emancipatory promise that underlies the planetary extension of the urban form because, with the projection of material infrastructures required for resource extraction—especially information technologies—across the rural realm, local communities have been able to shed their isolated state and emerge as fully fledged political actors.     

Remaking Equality: Community Governance and the Politics of Exclusion in Bogota's Public Spaces

Bogota's public space policy is often credited with promoting inclusionary principles. In this article, I explore critically the content of Bogota's articulation of equality in public space policy. In so doing, I present a critical view of the work Bogota's insistence on equality does to mediate class relations in the city, relying on deeply held conceptions of both social extremes. This results in the construction of a version of social harmony in public space that at once depoliticizes the claims to public space of subjects such as street vendors and the homeless and claims a new role for the middle class in the city. The analysis focuses on two examples of community governance schemes, documenting the logics and methods used by communities to implement official visions of equality and justify the exclusion of street vendors and homeless people from the area. By looking at the articulation of these exclusions in local class politics through seemingly inclusionary rhetoric, the article accounts for ‘post‐revanchist’ turns in contemporary urban policy, while anchoring its production in local processes of community governance.     

Exclusion and Informality: The Praetorian Politics of Land Management in Cairo,Egypt

Since the late 1970s, Western aid agencies, including the US Agency for International Development (AID) and the World Bank, sought to assist the Egyptian government in planning its capital, Cairo. The aim was to foster an administratively competent Egyptian state able to respond, for example, to informal urbanization of the city's agricultural periphery by channelling the city's growth into planned and serviced desert sites. However, these initiatives were almost entirely unsuccessful. Egyptian officials rejected engagement with the informal urbanization process. The projects became enmeshed in bureaucratic struggles over control of valuable state desert land. This article examines these failed planning exercises, first, in order to assess what they indicate about Egypt's authoritarian dispensation of power, in place since 1952 but challenged in the February 2011 overthrow of President Husni Mubarak. It concludes that project failure is diagnostic of the regime's exclusionary nature and the presence of autonomous centres of power such as the Egyptian military. Secondly, the article looks at how this political order shaped Cairo's largely uncontrolled growth by constraining the Egyptian state's capacity to manage it. Thus, urban planning in Cairo reveals how authoritarian power relations have been inscribed upon Egyptian social space.