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1.
PINAR BILGIN 《Geopolitics》2013,18(2):269-291
The prevalence of the discourse of ideological geopolitics during the Cold War meant that both Turkey and the EU belonged to the West by virtue of their ideological orientation. In the absence of this prevalent geopolitical discourse, both the EU and Turkey have spent the 1990s trying to locate themselves geographically. Drawing on the literature on critical approaches to political geography and international relations, this article seeks to answer the question of whether the EU's post-Cold War security discourse on the Mediterranean in general and on relations with Turkey in particular point to a return to the earlier discourse of civilisational geopolitics. The article also presents a reading of Turkish policy makers’ attempts to resist EU's representation of Turkey in ‘non-Europe’ (as with the ‘Middle East’ or the ‘Mediterranean’) as boundary-producing practices which have served to underline the boundaries between the ‘West’ and the ‘non-West’. 相似文献
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Steve Wood 《Geopolitics》2013,18(3):588-607
In central and eastern Europe, symbiosis between particular ethnic-cultural nations and territorial areas is understood as corresponding to a natural and moral order. European Union enlargement challenges this mindset by legally transforming ‘national territory’ into ‘supranational’ real property or even opening the possibility of restitution claims by ‘foreigners’. In the Polish and Czech cases this is highly contentious, principally due to the prospect of Germans and/or Austrians obtaining land. Rather than representing prosaic exchange among neutral economic agents the issue is embroiled in a complex of political and emotive influences, with historical roots that run deeper than the communist era. Realisation of a common European legal order is accompanied and to some extent hindered by misgivings about a liberal space of free access, unrestricted capital movement and no discrimination on grounds of nationality. 相似文献
4.
John O'loughlin 《Geopolitics》2013,18(3):17-48
New geopolitical writings that have developed in the post‐Soviet period are predicated on different ideological and historical perspectives and against the formal statements of Russia's place in the world from President Vladimir Putin and enshrined in the document ‘Concept of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation’. Four geopolitical schools can be identified, ranging from the fantastic notions of extreme Eurasianism to the reformers’ goal of tying Russia firmly to the West. Formal statements concentrate on Russia's regional prominence in Eurasia and on close integration into the world economic and political systems. However, ordinary Russians display little interest in these geopolitical writings or in the foreign policy actions of the Russian state, except in special cases where the Russian military are actively involved on Russian territory or the ‘near abroad’. In this regard, Russian public opinion has increasingly become like that of the Western democracies, generally disinterested in foreign policy and focused on their personal day‐to‐day lives. 相似文献
5.
Jens Wissel 《Geopolitics》2014,19(3):490-513
Against the backdrop of the international political and economic system’s increasing fragmentation, this article attempts to analyse the geopolitical ambitions of the EU. Currently, the EU strives to become an independent global power. For this purpose, the EU tries to establish greater independence from the US and, to a certain degree, from its Member states. This is closely linked to (a) the emergence of the Euro as a currency competing with the US dollar for the status of the ‘global reserve currency’ and (b) the construction of a common foreign and ‘security’ policy. Taking the German literature on the political economy of the state and on the European Integration, insights from neo-Gramscian International Political Economy, and the ‘scale debate’ in Anglophone geography as point of departure, I analyse the European ensemble of state apparatuses and demonstrate that these ambitions have failed, due to the status quo of a fragmented Europe. 相似文献
6.
Lucia Quaglia 《Constitutional Political Economy》2003,14(3):235-251
This work discusses the constitutionalization of rules in macroeconomic policy-making in the European Union (EU) with reference to European monetary integration. The analysis deals with two main monetary arrangements, the European Monetary System (EMS) and the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), and focuses on one country - Italy. Using an interdisciplinary perspective and a constitutional political economy approach, three sets of factors are identified to explain how and why policy-makers may decide to self-limit their sovereignty in monetary and fiscal policies, as they have done in the process of European monetary integration. It is argued that such factors influenced the dynamics and evolution of the European monetary arrangements, shaping the path to EMU. 相似文献
7.
Felix Ciută 《Geopolitics》2013,18(1):120-147
In the context of post–Cold War European integration, ‘making’ regions has become commonplace. Far from reducing the significance of regional initiatives, inflationary regional labelling draws attention to the significant role played by ‘regions’ as legitimating political vectors. Why are political projects formulated in regional terms? Critically examining the Black Sea region project, this article suggests that region-making transcends the boundary between theoretical and political praxis. Regional entrepreneurs frequently use different conceptual categories in the formulation and justification of their initiatives. In order to understand why regional forms are preferred politically, it is necessary to scrutinise closely this contextual interaction between political praxis and conceptual logic. The article maps the various concepts of region which coexist in the Black Sea region project, and discusses their relationship with four political and hermeneutical strategies that link the regional project with its context, profoundly marked by the logic of European security integration. The ‘double hermeneutics’ of the Black Sea region highlights the contradictory security logics that structure European security in general and this regional project in particular. In the conclusion, the article draws attention to the significant epistemological and normative consequences of the double hermeneutics of the Black Sea region. 相似文献
8.
Zoya Nissanov 《Post - Communist Economies》2017,29(2):250-264
This article analyzes the determinants of income mobility between 1995 and 2007, using the Russia Longitudinal Monitoring Survey (RLMS-HSE). The analysis uses the mixture model method and is carried out between and within income groups, defined on the basis of household income. The results of the within-group analysis suggest that the probability of remaining in the middle of the income distribution is greater than that of remaining poor or rich. However, if a household moves away from the middle group, the probability of falling into the bottom group is much higher than that of moving upwards. 相似文献
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We identify two key stages in the river basin planning process under the Water Framework Directive: the selection of instruments for a programme of measures to achieve the environmental targets, and disproportionate cost analysis to determine whether selected measures involve high costs. Some EU member states such as Denmark are operationalising these two key stages using cost effectiveness analysis and cost-benefit analysis. However, implementation guidelines encourage the active involvement of all interested parties in the implementation of the Directive. We discuss the potential benefits of actively involving non-state actors, which can be summarised as increasing the effectiveness of policy and improving its implementation. Criticising the emerging economic decision-making approach, we argue that economic analyses could result in a missed opportunity to capitalise on the potential benefits of involvement. The article discusses the appropriateness of actively involving the public during the two aforementioned decision-making stages and suggests concrete ways in which active involvement may be operationalised. We conclude that member states should not implement a minimum form of participation to comply with the statutory requirements of the Directive, but should strive for active involvement due to the potential for increasing the effectiveness of the Water Framework Directive and improving its implementation. 相似文献
10.
Employing panel data techniques, we investigate the macroeconomic and institutional determinants of inequality and poverty in the EU over the period 1994–2008. We pay particular attention to the effects of macroeconomic environment, social protection and labour market institutions. The empirical analysis shows that the social transfers in cash, and principally the transfers that do not include pensions, exert a prominent impact on inequality and poverty. Also significant is the effect of the GDP per capita. The impact of employment on inequality and poverty is not empirically sound. The same holds for the labour market institutions; an exception is the union density, which appears conducive to a less dispersed personal income distribution. Importantly, the results support the view that the social protection system acts as a catalyst in determining the effectiveness of social spending and the distributive role of economic growth and employment. 相似文献
11.
Based on the notions of ‘popular geopolitics’ and ‘practical geopolitics’, this article explores how China’s geopolitical strategies are represented and reproduced by the popular songs in the CCTV (China Central Television) Spring Festival Gala during the past thirty years (1983–2013). Drawing on the (con)textual and visual analysis of 539 popular songs, how geopolitical knowledges are represented and reproduced by these songs and how these songs are involved with China’s geopolitical strategies are analysed. The main argument of this article indicates that the official regulated popular songs in the annual Gala can be considered as important constitutions of China’s state apparatus which aim at propagandising and legitimating the official geopolitical strategies on both internal and international affairs. As research of the geopolitical engagements of China’s popular music, this article might also be read as a contribution to wider literatures on popular and practical geopolitics from a non-Western perspective. 相似文献
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This paper analyses the relationship between openness to trade and wages at the industry level (15 manufacturing and 6 service
industries) in 25 EU countries over the period from 1995 to 2005. By applying a cross-country and industry-specific approach,
it is possible to control for unobserved heterogeneity at both country and industry levels. We also differentiate between
intra and inter-industry trade and we try to assess the relative importance of foreign wages versus domestic productivity
developments in an open environment. We find that trade is not an important driver of wages, since the wage response to trade
is small. Moreover, in line with the Stolper-Samuelson reasoning, the overall wage impact is always positive if significant
in central and eastern Europe, while in western Europe we often observe a negative response, particularly in resource-based
industries. Nevertheless, increased trade reinforces the productivity-wage link and weakens the co-movement of wages in eastern
Europe, while there is less evidence of a similar wage-disciplining effect of trade in the west. 相似文献
13.
In the current context of continuous reassessment of the sustainability of the single currency and gradual enlargement of the euro area during the last decade, the objective of this research is to obtain new insights into the factors that determine the synchronisation of shocks in the Central and South-Eastern European countries vis-à-vis the euro area. The research contributes to the previous work by making a novel use of error correction model in a dynamic panel context which is extended by adding several important omitted variables related to the trade structure and policy coordination. We find that an increase in trade intensity, intra-industry trade and financial integration leads to less frequent asymmetric shocks. On the other hand, divergent fiscal policies are estimated in some model specifications to increase the shock divergence process, although the estimated impact is rather small to counteract the positive effects associated with trade and financial integration. The identified relationships in this research are affected by the significant trade and growth slowdown in the crisis period; while the global economic turmoil has boosted a demand shock convergence, its impact on the supply shocks is in the opposite (diverging) direction. 相似文献
14.
The efficacy of official forecasts in the EU has been under the spotlight since the introduction of the euro, with biases widely reported prior to the 2008–12 financial and sovereign bond market crisis. Changes to the EU fiscal rules and procedures, in the form of the European Semester and Fiscal Compact, in the early 2010s were adopted to improve forecasting, including through providing a role for independent fiscal institutions. Using data for 22 countries between 2013 and 2019, this paper shows that, despite these changes, biases, of a pessimistic form, remain in forecasts of budget balance and output variables in Stability and Convergence Programmes and the European Commission's Spring Forecasts. Econometric analysis indicates forecast errors in both the headline budget balance and the structural budget balance being explained by forecast errors in output variables and by EU fiscal rule requirements. Member states under an excessive deficit procedure provide optimistic headline budget balance forecasts compared to non-EDP countries, while those that have not met their medium-term objective report smaller forecast errors for the structural budget balance. Independent fiscal institutions are linked to a smaller bias to forecasts of the structural budget balance but have no effect on the forecast errors of the headline budget balance. 相似文献
15.
Previous studies have discounted important factors and indirect channels that might contribute to business cycle synchronization (BCS) in the EU. We estimate the effects of market integration and economic policy coordination on bilateral business cycle correlations over the period 1995–2012 using a simultaneous equations model that takes into accounts both the endogenous relationships and unveils direct and indirect effects. The results suggest that (1) trade and FDI have a pronounced positive effect on BCS, particularly between incumbent and new EU members. (2) Rising specialization does not decouple business cycles. (3) The decline of income disparities in EU27 contributes to BCS, as converging countries develop stronger trade and FDI linkages. (4) There is strong evidence that poor fiscal discipline of EU members is a major impediment of business cycle synchronization. (5) The same argument holds true for exchange rate fluctuations that hinder BCS, particularly in EU15. Since BCS is a fundamental prerequisite and objective in an effective monetary union, the EU has to promote market integration and strengthen the common setting of economic policies. 相似文献
16.
Paulo Reis Mourao 《Applied economics》2016,48(56):5513-5524
The sale of soccer players is a serious issue for the sustainability of professional teams. This article discusses the efficiency of the values that 183 European soccer teams have received for the sales of their players since 2007. We estimated stochastic frontiers for these soccer teams using stochastic frontier analysis. We found that teams with higher numbers of titles, with huge past acquisitions of players, and achieving good rankings in the previous season tend to receive more transfer inflows. The efficiency of these inflows can be significantly influenced if the team exhibits a long sports history or if the team participates in the Champions League or in the Europa League. 相似文献
17.
The purpose in this article is to evaluate the consistency between two measures of unemployment in a cross-country context.
We use the European Community Household Panel to identify unemployment at an individual level based as well on the ILO criteria
for being classified as unemployed as on the individual respondent reporting to be unemployed. This opens a unique opportunity
to compare unemployment measured in two different ways based on a cross European Union panel study covering the years 1994
to 2001. The two main questions addressed in this article are to which extent the two unemployment measures differ and whether
transition rates out of unemployment depend on which concept we use. Both questions are answered in the affirmative. The overall
conclusion is that it is important, especially in some of the EU countries, to include both measures of unemployment as guidelines
and indicators for policy. 相似文献
18.
Paul van den Noord 《Empirica》2011,38(1):19-51
The fiscal cost of the financial and economic crisis in Europe is huge. The paper provides provisional estimates of this cost
and looks at its implications for the sustainability of public finances, taking into account also the impact of aging populations.
The historical experience suggests that economic growth is persistently lowered in the aftermath of financial crisis, making
fiscal consolidation more difficult yet all the more essential. Meanwhile the timing of the exit from fiscal stimulus and
subsequent fiscal consolidation must reconcile sustainability and stabilisation goals—a delicate balancing act. The paper
will argue in favour of structural reform to boost the economic growth potential alongside fiscal consolidation. The fiscal
coordination framework in the EU, together with the Europe 2020 strategy, is seen to underpin this approach. 相似文献
19.
Constitutional Political Economy - What sort of country has Russia become since the collapse of the Soviet Union? Scholars have tracked Russia’s political economy closely for almost three... 相似文献
20.
We test whether the two key EU and euro area economic governance pillars, the Stability and Growth Pact and the Lisbon Strategy, have had any impact on macroeconomic outcomes. We test this proposition on a panel of 27, some of which are non-EU (control group) using a programme evaluation approach. The impact of the EU economic governance pillars is evaluated based on both the performance before and after their application as well as against the control group. We find strong and robust evidence that neither the Stability and Growth Pact nor the Lisbon Strategy have had a significant beneficial impact on fiscal and economic performance outcomes. We conclude that a profound reform of these pillars is needed to make them work in the next decade. 相似文献