Expertise, Subversion, and Bureaucratic Discretion

This article examines a legislature's delegation of policy-makingauthority to an imperfectly controlled, expert bureaucrat. Thelegislature can reduce the bureaucrat's expertise advantagethrough costly investigations of its own before delegating.Further, the bureaucrat is granted discretionary bounds by thelegislature, but can subvert legislative dictates by steppingbeyond them at some cost. I analyze the interaction of preferencedivergence, investigation cost to the legislature, and subversioncost to the bureaucrat on the decision to delegate. The modelshows that, because of the equilibrium effect of subversionon discretion, bureaucrats will want subversion of legislativedictates to be difficult, while legislators want it to be relativelyeasy. It also highlights an indirect effect between preferencedivergence and discretion: preference divergence leads the legislatureto become more expert on policy matters, which leads it to delegateless.     

Use it or lose it

We examine the optimality of budget policies imposed by a funding authority on a bureaucrat who operates under a fixed budget. In particular, we study a “use‐it‐or‐lose‐it” (UILI) policy under which the bureaucrat has to return any unspent budget without being able to “roll over” any part to the next period. Instead of returning the unspent budget, the bureaucrat can go on a spending spree and engage in policy drift, which is inversely related to his motivation. The bureaucrat's motivation represents how well matched he is with the bureaucracy's mission. We show that a UILI policy is complementary to motivation as it has stronger ex ante positive incentive effects on more motivated bureaucrats. Such ex ante positive effects can overcome the ex post inefficiency of the policy and make a UILI policy optimal when the bureaucrat is well matched with the bureaucracy's mission or when its budget is large.     

Optimal antibribery policy when bribery type is endogenous

This paper analyzes the optimal allocation of antibribery resources when bribery type is endogenously determined by corrupt bureaucrats. A firm is supposed to invest to get licenses for production from bureaucrats. The bureaucrat commits to a bribes schedule that specifies bribes demanded from compliant firms (therefore, engaging in extortion) and noncompliant firms (engaging in collusion) as a precondition of granting the license. The allocation of antibribery resources determines the probability that each type of bribery is detected and prosecuted and thus affects the bureaucrat's choice of bribes schedule and the equilibrium bribery type. We find that the government should prioritize combating collusion when the resources are sufficiently scarce, should abstain from combating extortion after it wipes out collusion when the resources are less scarce, and should eradicate both types of bribery when the resources are sufficiently abundant. When there are multiple investment dimensions, however, there exists a special case where the government targets both types of bribery when the resources are at some intermediate level.     

What's the damage? Environmental regulation with policy‐motivated bureaucrats

In choosing environmental policy, governments rely on information provided by bureaucrats, who may have a political motivation of their own. We analyze the ensuing principal–agent relationship and derive the government's optimal contract. We find that a regulatory agent who is more environmentalist than the government is rewarded for truthfully stating that the environmental impact of the regulated economic activity is low (and vice versa). The bureaucrat has a stronger influence on policy if there is greater uncertainty about the environmental impact, or if the policy choice has a strong weight in his utility function. For some impact values, the bureaucrat is permitted to set his own preferred policy, which is a form of optimal delegation.     

Civil service reform,self‐selection,and bureaucratic performance

I use a formal model to analyze the effect of civil service protections on bureaucratic performance. In a two‐period model, a public manager observes a bureaucrat's actions for a period and decides whether to retain or attempt to remove the bureaucrat. Bureaucrats vary in terms of their intrinsic motivation and choose between careers in government or the private sector. I show that bureaucratic performance is greater in any separating equilibrium in which motivated bureaucrats choose government than in all equilibria in which they do not. Stronger civil service protections reduce the amount of effort that motivated bureaucrats must exert to distinguish themselves from their unmotivated peers in order to ensure retention. This strengthens incentives for motivated bureaucrats to choose careers in government. Stronger civil service protections, however, also reduce the ability of public managers to remove unmotivated bureaucrats. These competing effects yield a non‐monotonic and discontinuous relationship between civil service protections and bureaucratic performance. I use the model to analyze recent reforms to U.S. state and federal personnel management that have significantly rolled back traditional job protections.     

Can corruption encourage clean technology transfer?

We study the impact of environmental regulation on the transfer of a clean technology where bureaucrats are needed for government intervention. In the absence of corruption, when environmental taxes are low, a technology transfer always takes place and it increases total outputs, but may lead to higher pollution levels. However, when corruption is possible, a firm with a dirty technology may choose to bribe a corruptible bureaucrat who will underreport the actual level of emissions, thereby hindering the transfer of clean technology. We show that a less strict anticorruption policy may lead to more bribing, but encourage technology transfers. Moreover, an environment-oriented government would set a deterrent environmental tax to reduce pollution, while an output-oriented government would set a minimum tax rate to eliminate corruption and induce technology transfers. However, a balanced government would tolerate corruption when the cost of bribing is low and the clean technology is sufficiently efficient.     

Interest Group Lobbying and the Delegation of Policy Authority

In a signalling model of lobbying the politicians' decision whether to delegate policy authority and an interest group's choice between lobbying politicians or bureaucrats are investigated. Only bureaucrats are able to assess policy-relevant information coming from the interest group, but their interests may differ from those of politicians. In equilibrium politicians weigh the benefits of an informed policy decision against bureaucratic drift. We obtain that delegation occurs only when the bureaucracy is not too much biased and when the stakes of the interest group are not too high . Still, politicians sometimes prefer a biased bureaucracy and the interest group to have a larger stake. The model also predicts that interest groups typically lobby politicians to further delegation.     

Land,men and taxation: an application to pre-modern China and Europe Erik Jones’ European Miracle revisited

Eric Jones has found that excessive taxes were detrimental for pre-modern China’s economic growth whereas moderate taxes were conducive for Europe’s economic growth. This paper provides a political-economic answer to the question why these two tax systems came about. Taxation is only feasible when men and land can be linked as a single bundle. Taxation of land is not feasible without men, and taxation of men is not feasible without land. A tax maximizing bureaucrat has to combine the two variables in such a way that tax revenues are maximized given the constraints of land and men in his country. China’s contiguous geography allows bureaucrats to establish an autocratic tax system whereas Europe’s split geography enforces a competitive tax system. Therefore often contiguous states reveal to be stable states whereas split states turn out to be unstable and prone to collapse.     

模糊多维偏好群决策的BOT项目风险管理研究

运用模糊的语言变量进行多属性事物的群体评价决策,即模糊信息多维偏好群决策。由于BOT项目的风险结构十分复杂,如何对BOT项目风险进行有效的分级管理显得十分重要。系统地分析了BOT全生命周期风险的内容与属性,运用模糊决策理论和多维线性规划模型,结合改进的Borda分值法,构建了BOT项目生命周期的模糊信息多维偏好线性规划风险评价模型。模型中既考虑了决策者意见的一致性,又兼顾了决策意见的差异性,为BOT项目风险管理和评价提供了新的思路。     

Strategic analysis of petty corruption: Entrepreneurs and bureaucrats

This paper develops a game-theoretic model of “petty corruption” by government officials. Such corruption is widespread, especially (but not only) in developing and transition economies. The model goes beyond the previously published studies in the way it describes the structure of bureaucratic “tracks,” and the information among the participants. Entrepreneurs apply, in sequence, to a “track” of two or more bureaucrats in a prescribed order for approval of their projects. Our first result establishes that in a one-shot situation no project ever gets approved. This result leads us to consider a repeated interaction setting. In that context we characterize in more detail the trigger-strategy equilibria that minimize the social loss due to the system of bribes, and those that maximize the expected total bribe income of the bureaucrats. The results are used to shed some light on two much advocated anti-corruption policies: the single window policy and rotation of bureaucrats.     

政绩考核与政府官员激励——一个机制设计的观点

我国是实行分权治理的国家,地方政府除了承担中央政府授予的计划生育、教育文化和社会稳定职能外,还被授予极大的经济管理权限。分权在中央与地方之间产生了委托代理关系,由于中央政府与地方政府之间目标的不一致以及信息不对称,中央政府要设计激励机制来规范地方政府官员的行为。本文从机制设计的角度,一方面考察了当政绩考核为单一的经济增长指标时,中央政府所采取的激励机制的结果;另一方面,分析了当政绩考核由单一的增长指标变为综合性指标,并且其中一些指标不易准确测量时,政府官员行为的激励扭曲。基于此,得出了地方政府官员激励机制设计的一些原则。     

The effects of bureaucracy on political accountability and electoral selection

This paper examines how bureaucracy affects political accountability and electoral selection, using a three-tier political agency model consisting of voters, politicians and bureaucrats. In the model’s hierarchy, politicians are constrained by elections while bureaucrats are controlled by budgets. If voters and bureaucrats prefer different types of politicians (i.e. they have a conflict of interests), incumbents pass oversized budgets to prevent bureaucrats from engaging in strategic behaviours that damage incumbents’ reputations. If, instead, voters and bureaucrats prefer the same type of politicians (i.e. they have an alignment of interests), bureaucrats cannot obtain a concession from politicians. In the latter case, however, bureaucrats send voters a credible signal regarding an incumbent’s type, which improves electoral selection. This paper also shows that political appointment systems improve political accountability in the conflict-of-interests case while they weaken electoral selection in the alignment-of-interests case.     

Incentives and the Sorting of Altruistic Agents into Street‐Level Bureaucracies*

Many street‐level bureaucrats have the dual task of helping some clients, while sanctioning others. We develop a model of a street‐level bureaucracy, and we study the implications of its personnel policy on the self‐selection and allocation decisions of agents who differ in altruism towards clients. When bureaucrats are paid flat wages, they do not sanction, and the most altruistic types sort into bureaucracy. Pay‐for‐performance induces some bureaucrats to sanction, but it necessitates an increase in compensation, which can result in sorting from the top and bottom of the altruism distribution. We also explain why street‐level bureaucrats often experience an overload of clients.     

A BUREAUCRAT'S PROCUREMENT STRATEGY: BUDGET CONSTRAINTS AND RATIONING

ABSTRACT ** :  We investigate a bureaucratic principal responsible for the procurement of goods and services from private agents. The bureaucrat is evaluated on output and controlled by a limited budget. The agents maximize profit, have private information about variable production costs, and have positive outside options which are lost upon acceptance of a procurement contract. The setting is relevant for, e.g. governmental agencies. We show how this setup makes probabilistic rationing and overproduction for low-cost agents a useful tool for the bureaucrat.     

TAX PROJECTIONS AND ECONOMIC FORECASTS BY GOVERNMENT BUREAUCRATS: HIDDEN MANOEUVERINGS BEHIND FISCAL RECONSTRUCTION IN JAPAN*

This paper investigates how the hidden manoeuvrings of governments' fiscal department bureaucrats affect tax projections and economic growth forecasts. The empirical results suggest that they underestimate their tax projections when these are based on their forecasts of government debt. We also analyze the manoeuvrings of fiscal bureaucrats on economic forecasts and find that their forecasts of economic growth rates depend on their own projections of government debt and fiscal deficits.     

基于语言型多属性决策的人才培训与开发项目优选

人才培训与开发项目优选是人才培训与开发决策的一项重要内容。本文结合项目优选的多属性、不确定性和群决策等特征,运用群组层次分析法赋予指标权重,构建了人才培训与开发项目优选的语言型不确定多属性决策模型。实例表明,该方法切实可行,操作简便,为人才培训与开发项目优选提供了新的思路。     

Endogenous Public Policy, Politicization and Welfare

In the two–stage political–economic game that we study public policy is the outcome of the interaction between interest groups and a two–tier government. Implementation of a policy proposed by a bureaucrat requires approval by an elected politician. The objective function of the bureaucrat hinges on the weight assigned to social welfare relative to the rent–seeking outlays of the interest groups. This weight represents the degree of politicization of the government. Our main result is that, in contrast to common belief, increased politicization need not adversely affect the public well–being.     

Taiwan's ICP mechanism—a review and a stage approach

Most developing countries achieved necessary critical technology quickly and efficiently through the offset channel. Taiwanese government procurement is one of the most important sources of technological development. Over the past 10 years, this performance has not been remarkable in obtaining improved rising defense technology using the offset (namely, Industrial Cooperation Program, ICP). The main objective of this paper is to discuss the problems with Taiwan's ICP and propose a four-stage approach for Taiwan's ICP mechanism detailed improvements are suggested for Stage I and Stage II. F-16 fighter coproduction was used as an example to simulate Stages I and II in the four-stage approach process, considering all three levels of technology, economics and national security, to establish a set of fuzzy multiple criteria decision mode to identify the evaluative criteria variables and project item's order for ICP project. This decision mode was identified as a workable method.     

Agency conflicts in the presence of random private benefits from project implementation

We study a contracting problem where a principal delegates the decision to implement a “project” to an agent who obtains private information about the value of the project before making the implementation decision. Moral hazard arises because the agent gets private random non-contractible benefits, or incurs private random non-contractible costs, if the project is implemented. This contracting problem is pervasive, when “project” and “benefits” are interpreted broadly.     

Competition in bureaucracy and corruption

This paper studies the consequences of introducing competition between bureaucrats. Firms are supposed to invest into eliminating negative externalities of production, while bureaucrats administer the process by issuing licences. Some bureaucrats are corrupt, that is, they issue a licence to any firm in exchange for a bribe. The competition regime is found to create more ex ante incentives for firms to invest, while the monopoly regime is better at implementing ex post allocation, that is, distributing the licences given the firms' investment decisions. Additional results on the effect of punishments and bureaucrats' rotation are provided.