政治清明的时代意蕴与丰富内涵

中国古代曾出现过多个政治清明时期,清官能臣和开明君主是造就古代政治清明的主要政治力量。政治清明不仅是君主和百官群臣的共同期待,也是黎民百姓的期待。在现代政体环境中,政治清明是中国政治开放民主的基点,是社会主义法治的良好状态,是我党长期执政的必然选择。要实现政治清明,离不开对圣贤之德的遵守,离不开公务人员的廉洁奉公,更离不开民主法治建设。     

积跬步以致千里——2000-2005年中国基层民主政治建设回顾

从2000年开始,中国基层民主政治发展进入了一个新的阶段。这一阶段,中国基层民主政治建设在党内民主、村民自治、社区建设、基层人大代表选举、基层国家机关领导人员选举、行政改革、公共政策、妇女组织和工会组织的变化等八个方面取得了重大进步,尤其在党内民主、村民自治、基     

新农村建设要把政治建设摆在更加突出位置

在推进社会主义新农村建设中,农村政治建设具有了极为重要的影响.加强农村政治建设是农村经济体制改革发展的必然要求,是农村经济社会生活根本转变的客观需要,是农村社会生活和谐进步的重要保证,是农村民主政治建设实践的深入发展,这要求我们把农村政治建设摆在更加突出的位置.     

对代呼唤民主政治发展

在时代背景下,中国如何通过促进民主政治的发展,加大政治体制改革创新的力度．完善宪政体制,化解社会矛盾和冲突,尤为重要。     

时代呼唤民主政治发展

在时代背景下,中国如何通过促进民主政治的发展,加大政治体制改革创新的力度,完善宪政体制,化解社会矛盾和冲突,尤为重要。     

加强农村基层民主政治建设要做到六个结合

一）加强农村基层民主政治建设与加强农村基层组织建设相结合。一个好的农村基层组织,既是农村基层民主政治建设的必然产物,又是使农村基层民主政治建设健康进行的有力保证,衡量农村基层组织战斗力强不强,归根到底就是要看农村基层民主政治建设抓得如何。因此,加强农村基层民主政治建设,就必须进一步抓好以党支部为核心的村级组织建设。（二）加强农村基层民主政治建设与发展农村经济相结合。农村集体经济是加强基层民主政治建设的重要物质基础。实践也证明,越是经济薄弱村、越是贫困村,推行农村基层民主政治建设就难。因此,一是要…     

社会主义新农村建设进程中村民自治价值问题探讨

本文以村民自治的科学内涵为逻辑起点,在简要回顾其发展历程的基础上,比较详尽地论证村民自治在社会主义新农村建设进程中当代价值.即村民自治构建了当代中国农村新的利益表达和利益整合机制,创设了当代中国基层民主新的游戏规则和操作程序,确立了当代中国农村政治文化现代化新的发展目标,提供了当代中国基层政治文明建设新的逻辑生长点,从而阐明在社会需要中应运而生的村民自治是我们坚持党的领导推进中国特色社会主义政治文明建设的一项重要举措.     

基层民主化与民主基层化

民主,无疑是个好东西;而从当今的制度环境和社会条件来看,基层民主更是个好东西。正因如此,当今社会才有了基层民主化与民主基层化这两种耐人寻味的政治现象。基层,远离权力核心,是国家政治制度和权力架构的底端和边缘,在基层的政治层面作一些改动和革新,是不会伤筋动骨的,于国家政体无涉,     

宪政视角下中国土地所有制二元结构的理论探讨与反思

研究目的:通过理论分析,探讨中国土地所有制二元结构的理论根源、社会政治根源、法理根源,倡导一种较为合理的制度设计,化解现实矛盾。研究方法:从土地二元格局出发,借助现代宪政财产权理论,通过概括、分析学术界就此问题的三种看法,对有关观点进行分析论证,回归宪法确立的权利保护原则,反思现有土地制度。研究结果:土地二元结构长久以来对推进中国经济社会发展和国家重大发展战略的落实发挥了历史性作用,但在新的历史条件下这一基本格局已不能完全适应公民财产权利保护的需要。研究结论:在新的社会变革中,政策导向或社会立法应对此进行必要的调整,在国家复兴的进程中兼顾公民的土地权利,推进社会进步。     

立足经管工作职能积极推进新农村建设

党的十六届五中全会把建设社会主义新农村作为我国现代化进程中的重大历史任务郑重地提了出来,并明确了“生产发展、生活宽裕、乡风文明、村容整洁、管理民主”的目标要求,这是社会主义物质文明、精神文明、政治文明和社会发展进步在新时期农村建设上的集中体现。作为党和政府农业农村工作重要组成部分的农村经营管理工作,历来是落实党的农村经济政策的重要环节。在积极推进社会主义新农村建设中,我们经管工作从自身职能出发,是大有可为的。     

当前农民政治参与的特点、问题及对策探讨——基于全国31省270村4794户农户的问卷调查

农民的政治参与是我国民主政治发展的显著标志。目前对农民政治参与的研究，都是基于个案观察或者政策文本所进行的定性分析为主，根据调查数据进行定量分析研究的较少。本文通过以农民个人为分析单位，以问卷调查的方式，从实证角度研究转型时期农民的政治参与，概括当前农民政治参与的特点、存在的问题，并试图提出促进农民政治参与的建议。     

网络民主在转型期中国的异化和出路

网络民主是互联网技术发展的产物。它对拓宽利益表达渠道、整合民意、提高政治参与水平起到积极作用。中国的网络民主异化与中国社会转型的现实背景密切相关。网民参与心理非理性,参与主体、议题和制度等存在的问题,导致网络民主在发展中出现异化。结合中国社会转型期的特点,笔者认为可以从以下几点探寻出路:培养健康的网络政治文化和成熟的民主意识、政府公开权威信息推动网络议题多样化、加快国家信息化建设实现参与主体多元化,同时推动网络民主的制度化建设。     

African Perspectives on China–Africa: Modelling Popular Perceptions and their Economic and Political Determinants

China's recent political and economic inroads into Africa have generated much interest in the current literature, with scholars and policymakers endeavouring to assess the merits and risks implicit in this renewed engagement. Absent from the literature, however, are systematic analyses of African perceptions of these rapidly growing China–Africa links, and what determines these perceptions. This article fills this void by examining not only African attitudes towards China's African presence, but also investigating the considerations that inform these views. Using multi-level modelling techniques, this article estimates the effects of Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI), Sino-African trade and notions of democracy and human rights on African attitudes towards “China-in-Africa”. The results suggest that Africans' views of China are nearly equivalent to those that they hold vis-à-vis Western countries. The perceived impact of imports from China has a negative effect. However, this effect is counter-balanced by perceptions of China's impact on poverty alleviation—in line with its greater focus on economic, social and cultural, as opposed to civic and political human rights—in particular through FDI. Among those who value civic and political human rights, in contrast, attitudes towards China are less favourable. This finding is echoed with respect to democratic governance, though the effect is less stable. The results are derived from Afrobarometer data covering 20 African countries.     

Price or politics? An investigation of the causes of expropriation*

Expropriations of foreign direct investment in developing countries are typically blamed on political and economic crises in those countries. Developing a new database of expropriations in the minerals sectors of developing country exporters, I show that expropriations were correlated with mineral price booms and that democratic governments were more likely to expropriate. No link is found between expropriations and political or economic crises, except at independence. A better explanation of expropriation would be opportunistic behaviour by host governments when profits of investments are high. In two developed countries, Australia and Canada, expropri‐ations are also found to occur during price booms.     

Neoliberalism and the revival of agricultural cooperatives: The case of the coffee sector in Uganda

Agricultural cooperatives have seen a comeback in sub‐Saharan Africa. After the collapse of many weakly performing monopolist organizations during the 1980s and 1990s, strengthened cooperatives have emerged since the 2000s. Scholarly knowledge about the state–cooperative relations in which this “revival” takes place remains poor. Based on new evidence from Uganda's coffee sector, this paper discusses the political economy of Africa's cooperative revival. The authors argue that donors' and African governments' renewed support is framed in largely apolitical terms, which obscures the contested political and economic nature of the revival. In the context of neoliberal restructuring processes, state and non‐state institutional support to democratic economic organizations with substantial redistributional agendas remains insufficient. The political–economic context in Uganda—and potentially elsewhere in Africa—contributes to poor terms of trade for agricultural cooperatives while maintaining significant state control over some cooperative activities to protect the status quo interests of big capital and state elites. These conditions are unlikely to produce a conflict‐free, substantial, and sustained revival of cooperatives, which the new promoters of cooperatives suggest is under way.     

Agrarian social movements: The absurdly difficult but not impossible agenda of defeating right‐wing populism and exploring a socialist future

Parallels, resemblances, and interconnections between contemporary right‐wing populism and the populism of agrarian movements are examined in this essay. The two are partly linked through their social base in the countryside. This paper explores an agenda for political conversation and research on possible contributions to the twin efforts of splitting the ranks of right‐wing populists while expanding the united front of democratic challengers. The challenge is how to transform the identified interconnections into a left‐wing political project that can erode right‐wing populism. This requires a reclaiming of populism. In exploring this agenda, the paper revisits the ideas and practices of right‐wing populism and agrarian populism and the awkward overlaps and fundamental differences between them. It concludes with a discussion on the challenge of forging a reformulated class‐conscious left‐wing populism as a countercurrent to right‐wing populism, and as a possible political force against capitalism and towards a socialist future.     

Political competition and policy choices: the evidence from agricultural protection

This article investigates whether political competition plays an important role in determining the level of agricultural protection. In order to do so, we exploit variation in political and economic data from 74 developing and developed countries for the post‐war period. We use two measures of political competition: one that captures the extent to which political power can be freely contested regardless of election results and one based on vote share at last parliamentary elections. Our results, based on static and dynamic panel estimators, show unambiguously that the higher the level of political competitions is, the higher the agricultural protection.     

The Role of Political Institutions in the Resolution of Economic Crises: The Case of Argentina 2001–05

Many financial crises during the last decade have derived more directly from political than purely economic problems. When democratic institutions, government transparency, regulatory oversight or the rule of law break down, the likelihood that politicians will implement unsustainable economic policies rises. The economics literature analyses the role of poorly functioning government institutions in allowing a nation to slip into financial crisis. However, the literature on the effectiveness of post-crisis reforms focuses almost exclusively on whether the stated post-crisis policies are appropriate from an economic viewpoint. Oddly, that literature fails to examine the status of the underlying governmental deficiencies, assuming implicitly that they have been remedied. Because economic reforms are feasible only with wide political and social consensus, two important post-crisis issues are essential to the success of such reforms; namely, the political situation and politicians' management of economic policy. Political failures are particularly relevant to the Argentine financial crisis that began in December 2001. This paper identifies those political issues, which derived from an unstable political structure characterized by corruption and fragmented power between provinces and the federal government. Critically, the rule of law had been undermined in 1991. Interestingly, these same shortcomings still pervaded Argentina in 2004. The resultant lack of political consensus continues to delay implementation of the structural reforms necessary to return to sustainable economic growth. Social confidence in the government is low; the independence of the Supreme Court has been shattered; and the rule of law continues to be eroded, as the government tramples on the property rights of private firms and public debt-holders. Because it seems unlikely that Argentina can overcome its political deficiencies in the near future, its prospects for full economic recovery are limited, regardless of which economic reforms it implements.     

民国时期救灾资源动员的多样化——以1931年水灾救治为例

民国时期,伴随社会经济的发展、大众传媒的兴盛、民间社会力量的强大,在灾害救治领域体现出较为浓烈的救灾资源捐助多元化的表征:一是捐助主体的多样化,如同乡会、同业公会、政界、实业界、宗教界、文化界、军界及大量个体等;二是捐助方式的多样化,如营业助赈、捐薪、娱乐助赈、书画助赈、礼仪助赈、广告捐助等。这些救灾主体和如此的捐助方式,从救灾层面凸现了民国这一多元化社会的奇特景观,对今天更好地做好灾害救治不无借鉴意义。     

Power,capital, and the poverty of farmers’ land rights in China

This article is intended to conduct a three-dimensional examination of China’s rural land rights and the complex dynamic among political power, economic capital, and farmers’ rights during the past seventy years. First, the study takes a close look at the historical changes in the nature, scope, and ownership of land property in rural China during four significant time periods from 1949 to 2019. Second, it uses Ronald Coase’s theory on property rights in dissecting the four paradoxes and dilemmas in China’s rural land ownership, including the extent of clarity and stability of land property rights, the “three rights system” (the rights to ownership, contracting and operation of land) and three stagnations in defining and exercising such three rights, the simultaneous shortage and waste of land resources, as well as the restrictions on land transactions and the requirement to protect collective property. With examples derived from selected evidence, the article documents how both political power and economic capital have worked together to deprive farmers’ land rights. It concludes with a critical analysis of the current status of China’s rural economy, the problem of applying Western economic theories to China’s reality, as well as the theoretical definition, legal protection and policy parameters of land property rights in China.