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1.
《Journal of Economic Policy Reform》2013,16(1):11-19
The aim of this paper is to study whether corruption spreads across neighboring countries. Spatial econometric techniques are used to analyze corruption interactions, testing whether the perception of corruption in neighboring countries affect a country’s own corruption once other variables are controlled for. For a given country it is found that corruption varies neither with the behavior of its neighbors (there is no endogenous interaction) nor with their exogenous characteristics (there is no contextual interaction). Corruption is therefore not contagious, but neighboring countries tend to show similar levels of corruption because they face similar characteristics and similar institutional environments. 相似文献
2.
Rajeev K. Goel 《Applied economics》2013,45(11):1161-1169
Political Action Committees (PACs) are unique and prominent players in American politics. Yet, formal research on some aspects of PACs is lacking. Using US data over the period 1970 to 2009, this research demonstrates that the growth in PACs is positively associated with greater corruption. A 10% increase in the number of PACs per capita would increase corruption by about 8%. Upon disaggregation, corporate PACs, rather than labour PACs, are positively associated with corruption. The effects of economic prosperity, government size and population on US corruption are generally in line with the literature. 相似文献
3.
Using a panel data at the provincial level during the period of 1989–2004, this paper examines the effects of social and economic
factors such as government scale, privatization, openness, and education on regional corruption. Applying a fixed-effect model
and IV estimation, we find that government size positively affects the incidence rate of corruption, and the effect becomes
larger with the increase in the size of the core department of the government. 1% increase in the core department of the government
leads to a 0.68%–1% increase in the number of corruption cases. While the proportion of FDI is positively associated with
the corruption of regional officials, the ratio of the import and export trade to GDP is negatively associated with corruption.
The impact of privatization on corruption is ambiguous. We also identify the significant impacts of the size and structure
of the government expenditure on corruption.
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Translated from Jingji Yanjiu 经济研究 (Economic Research Journal), 2008, (11): 16–26 相似文献
4.
This study investigates how national levels of corruption are influenced by the interaction of two factors in political decentralization: the presence of local elections and the organizational structure of national parties. Previous studies have focused primarily on the role of fiscal decentralization on corruption and have mostly ignored the institutions of political decentralization. Using new data in a series of expansive models across multiple countries and years, we find that corruption will be lower when local governments are more accountable to and more transparent toward their constituents. This beneficial arrangement is most likely to occur when local elections are combined with nonintegrated political parties, meaning that party institutions themselves are decentralized from national control. Such an institutional arrangement maximizes local accountability by putting the decision to nominate and elect local leaders in the hands of those best in a position to evaluate their honesty—local electors. 相似文献
5.
Rajeev K. Goel 《Applied economics》2013,45(24):3462-3468
A vast amount of research has considered numerous causes and correlates of corruption. Also, there have been many studies of the consequences of various forms of uncertainty. However, exploration of the nexus between economic uncertainty and corruption appears scarce. After providing an intuitive and heuristic linkage between general economic uncertainty and corruption, this article uses a large cross-country data set to augment a fairly standard model with simple proxies for uncertainty and to investigate how economic uncertainty might affect the prevalence of corruption. In addition, a quantile-regression framework is used to judge how the strength of various covariates may differ with the level of corruption. Seven main points emerge from the estimates. First, economic uncertainty is associated positively with corruption, and the relation seems to be robust across measures of uncertainty and corruption. Second, quantile-regression estimates indicate considerable parametric heterogeneity across the distribution of corruption. Third, Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita has the expected corruption-mitigating role. Fourth, increased political rights and civil liberties also appear to lower corruption. Fifth, greater government consumption is associated with lower corruption. Sixth, while the hyperinflation dummy lacks significance in most OLS regressions, its significance varies across the distribution of corruption. Seventh, neither police force nor government subsidies shows significance, but transition economies have more corruption. 相似文献
6.
Studying a relatively under-researched aspect in economics, this paper examines the nexus between corruption and academic freedom. Our main hypothesis is that greater corruption undermines academic freedom and we test this hypothesis using data for 104 nations from 2012 to 2018. Our results support the main hypothesis, and this finding also generally holds across alternative aspects of academic freedom. Another contribution of this work lies in dissecting the direct and indirect (through corruption) effects of various drivers of academic freedom. Finally, additional insights are gained by considering different dimensions of academic freedom and how they are impacted by corruption. 相似文献
7.
The literature on entrepreneurship has suggested that an individual’s entrepreneurial intention depends on three types of factor: personal characteristics, the individual’s expertise and professional background, and external factors. Our study investigates how corruption, an external factor, and risk aversion, a personal characteristic, may simultaneously affect individuals’ entrepreneurial intentions. With data on 76 203 individuals in 53 countries, our estimation results indicate that risk aversion decreases the individual’s probability of having an entrepreneurial intention by 6.67 percentage points. In addition, an increase in 1 SD in the perceived level of corruption in a country decreases the individual’s probability of having an entrepreneurial intention by 0.96 percentage points. 相似文献
8.
Olga Kupets 《Economics of Transition》2018,26(4):725-768
This paper analyzes the extent of employer-provided training in Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia and Ukraine and investigates its relationship with innovation, having international business contacts, use of computers at work, reported skills shortages and other firm characteristics. It contributes to the literature by examining different types of training – initial on-the-job learning, more formal in-house training and external training, which is provided by firms to two categories of workers – white- and blue-collar workers. After controlling for a range of firm characteristics, we find a positive link between technological innovation and intensity of training of all types provided to white-collar workers that points to the technology-skills complementarity. Furthermore, the level of computer use at work is a significant determinant of the incidence and intensity of external training provided to white-collar and blue-collar workers. 相似文献
9.
The empirical evidence presented in this study indicates that political contributions and corruption are complements, rather than substitutes. Based on panel data for seven election cycles, regression results show that in the United States, political contributions and federal corruption convictions are positively correlated. Accordingly, we propose an alternative explanation for the relationship between political contributions and corruption: two components of a comprehensive strategy for rent-seeking. As long-term investments, political contributions influence legislators to change the rules of the game; as short-term investments, corruption influences public officials to sidestep the existing rules, in order to maximize the rent collected. 相似文献
10.
Chun-Ping Chang 《Applied economics》2017,49(5):498-514
This study investigates the relationship between environmental performance, corruption and economic growth using panel data of 87 countries covering the period from 2002 to 2012. The Environmental Performance Index is used for the first time to evaluate the environmental quality on economic growth. By employing both ‘static’ and ‘dynamic’ panel models, we find that environmental performance is positively related to economic growth and is more significant in non-Organization for Economic Cooperation Development (OECD) countries. Moreover, when corruption is incorporated, the empirical estimation results indicate that although lower corruption helps economic growth in non-OECD countries, the negative coefficients of the three interactive terms show that the positive effect of environment performance on economic growth will drop, while greater environmental performance combined with natural resource abundance inevitably leads to inefficient bureaucracies and hence disadvantageous economic growth. As a result, policymakers in non-OECD countries should carefully ensure better government quality when they exhibit strong environmental performance so as to avoid any disadvantageous impact upon economic growth. 相似文献
11.
In this article the theory of optimum currency area is applied to post-Soviet and other selected countries. The study finds smaller exchange rate variability when the economies are closely linked by bilateral trade, are subject to similar shocks both on aggregate and at the industry level, have similar inflation rates, are open and smaller in economic size, and have higher labour migration as proxied by remittance flows. The estimation results also substantiate that the US dollar plays a dominant role as an anchor currency. Next, the study shows that economic fundamentals suggest limited prospects of a common currency for post-Soviet countries, particularly for the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). It is also found that Moldova, among the post-Soviet countries, better approximates an optimum currency area with Russia. Further, when the government debt-to-GDP ratio is taken into account, only Kazakhstan from the EAEU member countries stands out as having positive prospects for forming a common currency area with Russia. 相似文献
12.
《Journal of Economic Policy Reform》2013,16(3):277-284
By using three corruption indices, six privatization indicators, and taking the endogeneity problem into consideration, we test the hypothesis that privatization contributes to a decrease in corruption in transition economies. We identified a highly statistically significant and negative association between privatization and corruption in transition economies for three different corruption indices and six different privatization indicators. 相似文献
13.
Rajeev K. Goel 《Applied economics》2013,45(20):2331-2341
This research creates a unique internet-based measure of awareness about state-level whistleblower laws and provisions to examine their effects on observed corruption in the United States. Are whistleblower laws complementary or substitutes for other, more direct, corruption control measures? Placing the analysis within the corruption literature, the findings show that greater whistleblower awareness results in more observed corruption and this finding holds across specifications. Internet awareness about whistleblower laws seems relatively more effective at exposing corruption than the quantity and quality of state whistleblower laws themselves. 相似文献
14.
This article presents a model of political corruption in which a briber can choose either to bribe only the incumbent party or to capture also the opposition party to sterilize its monitoring role. The analysis also explores interparty collusion, media independence, and political contestability. The model suggests that policies aiming to strengthen the role of minorities can produce ambiguous effects as they may induce bribers' avoidance behavior. Reputational sanctions appear to be less effective than criminal ones, although political contestability increases their deterrence effect. Paradoxically, harsh criminal sanctions may induce tacit collusion because minorities highly regard their outcomes once in power. 相似文献
15.
医疗行业腐败的根源与对策 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
医疗行业的腐败是一个全球性的问题,其产生的根源既存在一定的共性,也与各国的医疗体系自身特点有关。在发展中国家和转型国家,医疗行业腐败现象显得尤为严重。本文回顾了与医疗腐败相关的经济学文献,分析了医疗行业产生腐败现象的根源,并特别指出,转型国家中的医疗腐败现象具有鲜明的时代特征;对医疗腐败具体行为进行了分析,着重研究了转型国家中常见的非正式支付现象;最后,结合我国的特点提出了相关政策建议。 相似文献
16.
A contribution to the empirics of press freedom and corruption 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Sebastian Freille M. Emranul Haque Richard Kneller 《European Journal of Political Economy》2007,23(4):838-862
We test the relationship between aggregate press freedom and corruption performing a modified extreme bounds analysis. We also test the relation among different forms of restrictions to press freedom using previously unexplored disaggregated data. Our results support the theoretical view that restrictions to press freedom leads to higher corruption. Furthermore, we obtain that both political and economic influences on the media are strongly and robustly related to corruption, while detrimental laws and regulations influencing the media are not. In all cases the evidence indicates, although not conclusively, that the direction of causation runs from a freer press to lower corruption. 相似文献
17.
Henry O. Akaeze 《Review of Development Economics》2020,24(1):188-208
This article investigates how distortions in oil contract allocation can alter a government official’s decisions and shows that corruption enlarges the parameter space over which multinational oil companies win the contract against the smaller companies. It is found that corruption superficially creates an equilibrium outcome that looks efficient even when it is not, and diminishes the official’s concern for environmental damage by weighing damage to the public less and oil revenues more. Sensitivity analyses show that for all levels of environmental damage and corruptibility, multinational oil companies always win the contract. An important policy implication is that corruption distorts optimal decisions and causes oil contract allocation decisions to be based primarily on monetary benefit than social welfare. 相似文献
18.
分析了在我国建立腐败预警预控体系的紧迫性和必要性,界定了腐败预警预控体系的定义和内涵,建立了腐败预警预控体系的结构,并详细阐释了腐败预警预控体系的运用流程,为我国腐败的预警预控工作提供参考和借鉴。 相似文献
19.
Trung V. Vu 《Economics of Transition》2021,29(4):621-649
It has been commonly observed that tropical countries tend to suffer from intense corruption and underdevelopment. This study provides an explanation for this long-standing disparity across the world based on variation in the intensity of ultraviolet radiation (UV-R). The central hypothesis is that UV-R is positively associated with the (historical) prevalence of eye diseases, which significantly shortens work-life expectancy as a skilled worker. This helps shape the worldwide distribution of corruption by affecting the incumbents' window of opportunity. Using data for up to 139 countries, I consistently find empirical support for the positive relationship between UV-R and corruption. The main findings withstand accounting for numerous alternative explanations for international differences in corruption levels. Employing individual-level data from the World Values Survey, I document suggestive evidence that exposure to UV-R is linked to surveyed respondents' tolerance towards corrupt activities. Furthermore, a subnational analysis for China lends credence to the cross-country evidence. 相似文献
20.
The commercial casino industry experienced an unprecedented expansion in the United States during the 1990s. As the industry has grown, so has the anecdotal evidence that links the casino industry with political corruption. However, there have been no empirical analyses of the issue. We use state-level panel data from 1985–2000 to posit a Granger causality analysis of the relationship between corruption convictions of state public officials and the predicted adoptions of casinos at the state level. We find evidence that predicted casino adoptions Granger cause corruption convictions. This finding is suggestive of a scenario of regulatory capture and may help explain why state-level gaming regulatory agencies have a history of softening gaming regulations after the initial introduction of casinos. Our study provides the first empirical evidence linking casinos to political corruption. 相似文献