THE SIZE DISTRIBUTION OF PERSONAL WEALTH IN THE REPUBLIC OF IRELAND1

This paper presents the results of applying the mortality multiplier approach to estate duty statistics in order to estimate the size distribution of personal wealth in the Republic of Ireland. It commences with an examination of the limitations of the estate duty statistics, a discussion of the problems involved in collecting the data, and a short consideration of the mortality multipliers used. Estimates are presented for the size distribution of personal wealth, and the distribution of wealth between age groups. Some comparisons are given with wealth in Northern Ireland, Great Britain and the U.S.A. Estimates of the components of personal capital were not found possible. Finally, preliminary estimates are made for the distribution of wealth among married and single persons, in order to provide the basis for an analysis of wealth possessed by wealth-owning units (defined as single males, single females and married couples). By making extreme assumptions, upper and lower limits are placed on the actual pattern of the size distribution of wealth by wealth-owning units.     

THE SIZE DISTRIBUTION OF HOUSEHOLD DISPOSABLE WEALTH IN THE UNITED STATES

In this study, new estimates are presented of the size distribution of household wealth in the U.S. in 1969. Compared to previous studies, its major advance is the inclusion of all marketable or discretionary household assets and liabilities and their alignment with national balance sheet totals. Household disposable wealth (HDW) is defined as the sum of all marketable or fungible assets held by households less liabilities. The Gini coefficient for HDW is 0.72, the share held by the richest one percent of households is 31 percent, and the share held by the top five percent is 49 percent. There is, however, a large variation in the concentration of different household assets. The Gini coefficient is 0.30 for household durables and inventories, 0.69 for equity in owner-occupied housing, 0.94 for bonds and securities, and 0.98 for corporate stock. HDW is then divided into two mutually exclusive components. The first, called "life-cycle wealth," is defined as the sum of equity in owner-occupied housing, durables, household inventory, demand deposits and currency, and the cash value of life insurance and pensions less consumer debt. This form of wealth tends to be accumulated over the life-cycle for either consumption, liquidity, or retirement purposes. The second, called "capital wealth," is the sum of time and savings deposits, bonds and securities, corporate stock, business and investment real estate equity, and trust fund equity. Life-cycle wealth is substantially less concentrated than capital wealth. The Gini coefficient for it is 0.59, while that for capital wealth is 0.88. Moreover, among the lower wealth groups, over 80 percent of household wealth takes the form of life-cycle wealth, whereas among the top wealth groups the proportion is under 20 percent. The results suggest substantially different savings motivations between the two groups.     

房地产价格与宏观经济互动关系实证研究——基于我国31个省份面板数据分析

运用面板数据模型对我国1995-2006年31个省市的数据进行分析后发现,房地产价格明显受利率和通货膨胀率的影响,而且房地产供给、收入等基础性宏观经济变量在中长期也决定房地产价格。房地产价格明显影响到宏观经济稳定,房地产价格上升会增加社会总投资和总消费,房地产投资通过"财富效应"对消费的影响始终明显,对社会总投资的影响也非常显著。因此,当前要稳定宏观经济,促进经济增长,必须稳定房地产价格。     

Lobbying,Family Concerns,and the Lack of Political Support for Estate Taxation

We provide an explanation for why estate taxation is surprisingly little used, given the skewness of the estate distribution. Taxing estates implies meddling with intra‐family decisions, which is frown upon by many. At the same time, given the concentration of estates a small proportion of the population stands to gain a lot by decreasing estate taxation. We provide an analytical model, together with numerical simulations, where agents bequeathing large estates make monetary contributions to play up the salience of the encroachment aspects of estate taxation on family decisions and to decrease its political support.     

THE INEQUALITY OF WEALTH I N BRITAIN'S NORTH AMERICAN COLONIES: THE IMPORTANCE OF THE RELATIVELY POOR

This paper presents original estimates of the distribution of personal wealth in Nova Scotia, Canada in 1871 using the estate multiplier technique and discusses the sensitivity of estimates of the wealth distribution to the assumed wealth holdings of non-probated decedents. We examine, in particular, the implications of assuming: (1) that non-probated decedents had zero wealth, (2) that the wealth distribution was quasi-Paretian (with parameters that can be estimated from the distribution of wealth of probated decedents) or (3) that the wealth distribution had the form assumed by A. H. Jones in her analysis of wealth inequality in the Thirteen Colonies in 1774. We conclude that it is unlikely that large estates escaped the probate process in Nova Scotia, but it is also unlikely that all non-probated decedents had equal wealth-thus our "best guess" is that the wealth distribution of non-probated decedents was quasi-Paretian. However, a methodology similar to Jones' would have implied considerably less measured inequality in the wealth distribution and greater average wealth in 1871– and would therefore have altered our perception of long term trends in the distribution of wealth and in the rate of accumulation of wealth. The measurement of wealth inequality in a society with a significant slave population, such as the thirteen colonies in 1774, is also highly sensitive to the treatment of slavery. Our preferred estimates of wealth inequality in Nova Scotia in 1871 and in the Thirteen Colonies in 1774 indicate a much higher inequality in the distribution of personal wealth than exists today.     

Efficiency in the Domesday economy, 1086: evidence from Wiltshire estates

It may surprise some readers that frontier methods such as Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA) can be used to assess the productive efficiency of the estates of eleventh century England. This is possible because in 1086, William the Conqueror carried out a comprehensive survey (the Domesday Survey) of lands he invaded 20 years earlier. The survey provides high-quality data on the inputs and outputs of most manors in England. A previous analysis of the data for Essex estates indicated that the average efficiency of the Domesday agricultural economy was comparable to, if not higher than that for more modern economies, that some tenants-in-chief displayed significantly more entrepreneurial flair than others, and that the geographical location, the size of the estate and the arable/livestock mix all significantly affected estate efficiency. In this article, analysis of a second Domesday county, Wiltshire, confirms the general results for Essex, but indicates some differences in the factors affecting estate efficiency.     

THE EFFECT ON POVERTY STATUS IN ISRAEL OF CONSIDERING WEALTH AND VARIABILITY OF INCOME

This paper assesses the effects of including wealth and the variability of income on the incidence of poverty and the degree of income inequality in Israel. A special survey, which includes data on the wealth and income of a national sample of Israeli families in 1963–64 and 1964–65, allows us to go beyond measures based on current income alone.
The first section reviews earlier studies of poverty in Israel. The next section looks at poverty and inequality in terms of current income, current wealth, and a combined measure of income and wealth. The combined measure is the Hansen-Weisbrod measure (HW), which equals income plus the annuity value of wealth, assuming all wealth is just consumed at the time of death. It is interesting that, in spite of the much higher wealth inequality than income inequality, the HW measure was slightly more equally distributed than income. This result occurred because the annuity component made up a low share of the total HW measure and the correlation between income and wealth was well under 1. Although overall inequality and poverty were similar for income and HW measures, the incidence of poverty by subgroup depended on the measure used.
The final section presents a dynamic view of poverty and inequality. Year-to-year changes in poverty were substantial. Because of the use of a relative poverty concept and the rise in real incomes, the real income poverty line rose by 15 percent between 1963 and 1964. Still, of those in income poverty in 1963, 37 percent managed to escape poverty in 1964. The paper shows how the degree to which poverty was stable or transitory varied substantially by age and country of origin.     

论房地产市场宏观调控的“财政拐点”

房地产市场是我国当前国民经济发展最为纠结的一个领域,公众、企业和政府三者之间长期未能找到一个合理的均衡点,由此导致整个运行机制的混乱无序。本文认为,这其中既有政府职能错位的原因,更有政府对低收入群体住房保障职能的"财政拐点"尚未到来的客观局限。因此,我国政府要真正履行对低收入群体的住房保障职能,首先要通过国民经济的进一步发展积聚更加强大的物质基础,从而争取这个财政拐点的早日到来。其次在目前的历史阶段上科学认识政府的住房保障职能,从而区分房地产市场的两种属性,进而建构房地产行业两种体系之间的良性互动关系,是政府完善住房保障职能和房地产行业可持续发展的关键举措。     

房地产正向财富效应形成的条件分析

房地产对居民消费的财富效应一直是关注的焦点。产生房地产财富正效应的条件为:城市居民二套住房拥有率要大于有潜在住房购买力的家庭占比率。我国应加大调控力度,降低房价,增加公共住房保障供给,大力发展适合中低收入阶层家庭的商品房项目。     

THE CONCENTRATION OF PERSONAL WEALTH IN AMERICA, 1969

This essay focuses on the problems of estimating the share of America's personal wealth in the hands of affluent individuals by a technique known as the estate multiplier method. Rather than exploring these problems in an empirical vacuum, we first present some results from the most recent estimates of the distribution of U.S. personal wealth.¹ The estimates—for the year 1969—are then used as a basis for gauging the sensitivity of estate multiplier estimates to variations in approach.
Section I presents new empirical findings dealing with the asset holdings of top wealth-holders and the super rich, and with the shares of specific assets owned by them. Also presented is information about the sex and marital status of the super rich.
Section II discusses various technical aspects of the estate multiplier as applied to federal estate tax returns. The main concern is with the weighting process, but attention is paid to the fact that estate tax returns filed in a given year are not for decedents who died in that year or any single year, and to the problems of adjusting the face value of life insurance to cash surrender value.     

我国房地产业的金融负外部性考察

房地产业有明显的金融属性,其虚拟化易导致泡沫化。本文对长期以来所认为的房地产业是国民经济的支柱产业、房价上升的财富效应提出质疑,认为当前房地产业的迅猛发展、高房价的获益小于其带来的社会成本,即房地产市场在追求利润最大化过程中对社会造成福利损失,其经济绩效是局部、片面的,而社会成本是全局性的,此即房地产业金融负外部性效应。房地产业金融负外部性表现在全局性的社会成本,这主要有拉动通货膨胀、对实体经济的挤出效应、银行危机的外部成本、侵占耕地的代际成本、伦理代价、社会不稳定等,这些都是房地产业的成本外溢或成本社会化,是社会福利的纯损失。政府应当在降低房地产金融负外部性中扮演重要角色,通过控制房价与合理调控缓解负外部性影响。     

INCOME AND THE HAMILTONIAN1

Among the many interpretations of real national income are (i) the return to national wealth and (ii) the Hamiltonian of an appropriately-chosen dynamic model of the economy. These interpretations are sometimes alleged to be equivalent and to constitute the self-evidently ideal definition to which statistics of real national income should conform as closely as possible., The allegation is correct on some very restrictive assumptions about technology and taste. Otherwise, these interpretations are inconsistent, inexpedient as definitions of real national income and significantly at variance with the usage in the national accounts. The return to wealth is unmeasurable with the currently-available data. The Hamiltonian is typically in the wrong units. It is an accurate reflection of neither productive capacity nor welfare in an intertemporal context. It is not well-defined in a tax-distorted economy. It is rarely an indicator of the return to wealth.

A personn's income is "the maximum value he can consume during a week and still be as well off at the end of the week as he was at the beginning"

J. R. Hicks²     

THE REDISTRIBUTIONAL EFFECTS OF THE INFLATIONARY PROCESS IN JAPAN, 1955–75*

It is often discussed that inflation introduces a substantial, arbitrary and regressive redistribution of income and wealth under even mild inflation. But after a quarter century of experience with inflation in postwar Japan, very little is known about these costs of inflation on an empirical basis. Due to the complexity of the evaluation of the redistributional impact on Japan, the present paper analyzes the effects of inflation on individuals or groups as wage earners, debtors and creditors, taxpayers, and holders of real estate. The main results of the present investigation suggest that the Japanese inflation for 1955–75 did not seem to introduce much inequality in the income (flow) account in the economy, but that the inequality between households has appeared more in the wealth (stock) account, especially between the house-owner groups and non-house-owner groups. These observations are mainly derived from the following investigations; (i) the wage lag hypothesis about inflation, even if not wrong, does not seem acceptable when applied to the entire period (1955–75) as well as to each of the five sub-periods; (ii) there has been a substantial transfer of real purchasing power from households to non-financial corporations, and, to a lesser extent, to government entities in the debtor-creditor redistribution; (iii) among households, the most substantial redistribution takes place from the non-houseowners to houseowners with land, because of the huge amount of capital gains from the rapid increase in the price of real estate relative to the prices of other assets or the consumer price index, except for the last three years of rampaging inflation.     

中国房地产市场的地域特征分析

建立在全国性市场假设基础之上的关于我国房地产业市场集中度较"低"和"过度竞争"的推断,忽视了其本地性。事实上,由于房地产市场的本地特征,不同"板块"间相互分离。房地产企业只是与"板块"内相邻的企业发生竞争,即便是这样,它们也还都有其各自的垄断市场区;加之房地产业存在较高的进入壁垒,垄断性较强,房地产企业拥有着较强的市场力量①。     

EDUCATION AND THE NATIONAL WEALTH OF THE UNITED STATES*

Human capital theory has motivated a great many empirical investigations into the relationship between education and earnings potential. These studies test refinements of the theory, but do not attempt to value education for the economy as a whole. This study develops series which track human wealth and its educational components for the United States from 1946 to 1980. Three related educational time sequences emerge: (1) schooling wealth, the present value of the current and future contributions of the existing schooling stock to national income; (2) net change in schooling wealth, the amount added to present value in that year; and (3) schooling investment, the present value of the future contributions of the new schooling conducted in that year. One important lesson of this exercise is that the last two series can be quite different as a result of the pattern of appreciation and depreciation of human wealth over the lifetimes of individuals. Moreover, education increases the age of peak human wealth and thus should shorten the period during which individuals save for retirement. This phenomenon may induce a demographic cycle in the nation's savings rate, especially evidenced with the aging of the baby-boom cohort. The magnitudes of the human and schooling wealth estimates are large when compared to financial wealth. For a 4 percent rate, the period-wide average for human wealth is five times-and schooling wealth 2.6 times-the Federal Reserve Board's measure of household net worth. These estimates are naturally sensitive to the discount rate chosen, but show that the gap between human and financial wealth has been widening and that the value of schooling provided in any year greatly exceeds its cost. Schooling represents a form of saving whose value is several times the conventional measure of saving.     

THE WEALTH AND ASSET HOLDINGS OF U.S.-BORN AND FOREIGN-BORN HOUSEHOLDS: EVIDENCE FROM SIPP DATA

SIPP data are used to analyze the wealth of the U.S. foreign-born population. We find that the median wealth level of U.S.-born couples is 2.5 times the median of foreign-born couples, while the median wealth level of U.S.-born singles is three times that of foreign-born singles. Further, there is a great deal of diversity in wealth within the immigrant population. Diversity in net worth manifests itself primarily in source-region differences, while entry-cohort is more closely related to portfolio choices. Established immigrants hold less and recent immigrants hold more financial wealth. An opposite pattern emerges with respect to real estate equity.     

CONSTANT WEALTH NATIONAL INCOME: ACCOUNTING FOR WAR DAMAGE WITH AN APPLICATION TO THE NETHERLANDS, 1940–45

The issue of the proper way to address and document crisis and disaster in the national accounts is brought into focus by analyzing a practical case: the damage caused by the Second World War as discussed at a 1945 Paris reparations conference. It is concluded that "what if" damage e.g. output not produced due to the war should not be included in the national accounts, but factual damage should. The method by which factual damage should be included must then be decided. The option of just showing the damage in the reconciliation accounts is rejected. Instead the introduction of an additional income concept into the accounts, constant wealth national income is proposed. This Hicksian concept deducts from standard national income the damage to all produced goods lasting longer than a year. The concept is illustrated with guesstimates for the Netherlands, 1940–45. Finally, by way of an illustration, the paper employs 1945 estimates of damage in the Netherlands in order to arrive at a constant wealth national income for 1940–45. It is shown that, in 1938 prices, constant wealth national income is very much lower than standard national income and thus far better reflects the decline in prosperity during these years.     

A NEW LOOK AT THE WEALTH ADEQUACY OF OLDER U.S. HOUSEHOLDS

We examine the current wealth adequacy of older U.S. households using the 1998–2006 waves of the Health and Retirement Study (HRS). We find that the median older U.S. household is reasonably well situated, with a ratio of comprehensive net wealth to present value poverty‐line wealth of about 3.9 in 2006. About 18 percent of households, however, have less wealth than would be needed to generate 150 percent of poverty‐line income over their expected future lifetimes. We see similar patterns of wealth adequacy when we examine ratios of annualized comprehensive wealth to pre‐retirement earnings. Comparing the leading edge of the baby boomers in 2006 to households of the same age in 1998, we find that the baby boomers show slightly less wealth, in real terms, than their elders did, but still appear to have adequate resources at the median. Moreover, we find a rising age profile of annualized wealth, even within households over time and after controlling for other factors, suggesting that older households are not spending their wealth as quickly as their survival probabilities are falling.     

MEASUREMENT OF THE DISTRIBUTION OF WEALTH IN CANADA

The only periodic data available in Canada on the asset holdings and net worth of the household sector are data collected through a series of household surveys originally initiated in 1954. Some limited data on the holdings of financial claims by the personal and unincorporated business sector are available from flow of funds work. Data are unavailable for estimation from estate tax returns.
The scope of the surveys has been expanded substantially so that the most recent survey obtained a very comprehensive list of asset holdings. The experience with Canadian surveys has been similar to that of other countries; surveys appear to underestimate asset holdings although the estimates are more reliable for widely held assets than for assets with a very skewed distribution. Nevertheless, the surveys appear to trace the accumulated distribution of personal savings over time to a considerable degree and provide useful cross-sectional trend data.
Canadian data show that wealth is more unequally distributed among family units than is income although wealth appears to be more equally distributed between income groups than is income. Wealth is also very unequally distributed within the same income group. Over time, there appears to have been some movement towards a more equal distribution of asset holdings between income groups.     

PROBLEMS OF A CENSUS OF NATIONAL WEALTH

This paper is essentially a summary of the book Measuring the Nation's Wealth (Volume 29, Studies in Income and Wealth, New York: National Bureau of Economic Research, 1964), which is the report of study directed by the author. The purpose o f the study was to assess the problems and possibilities of conducting a national census of real wealth as a basis for continuing wealth and balance sheet estimates for the U.S. economy, by major sector.
It is stressed that the balance sheets and wealth estimates should be designed as a consistent part of an integrated system of national income accounts. Thus, valuation (at market prices and/or depreciated replacement costs), sectoring, and type-of-asset detail in the basic data and derived estimates should be compatible with the flow estimates contained in the economic accounts. Consistency of stock and flow estimates facilitates analysis of inter-relationships, and is helpful in the estimation process.
It is recommended that in the U.S. asset data by broad categories be collected as part of the recurring economic censuses and other reporting systems, but that detail on fixed reproducible assets (construction and equipment) at cost, by year or period of acquisition, be obtained from a small sample of respondents in each industry. The detail would be useful in its own right, and also permit revaluation of the assets by use of price indexes and depreciation rates to a current depreciated replacement cost basis. Where feasible, respondent estimates of market values would also be obtained.
The proposal is thus a compromise between the Japanese 1955 sample survey of assets, and the detailed wealth inventory of the U.S.S.R. which was begun in 1959. Preliminary work is now underway in the U.S. federal statistical agencies to expand collection of asset data, and to prepare comprehensive wealth estimates in the framework of the national income accounts.