A Comparative Analysis of Multilateral Environmental Negotiations

Global environmental problems pose important diplomatic and legal challenges to the international community. The nature of these problems requires an unprecedented degree of international cooperation that is achieved through multilateral negotiation, which is often shaped by scientific uncertainty, the complexity of the issues, and the wide range of actors and interests. One way of analyzing and explaining this complicated process is through the use of comparative analysis. By breaking down the negotiating process into a series of phases and turning points, it becomes easier to analyze the roles of different actors, the management of issues, the formation of groups and coalitions, and the art of consensus building. This article uses comparative analysis to characterize, develop, and specify a model of the multilateral environmental negotiation process. The model is elaborated upon inductively through a comparative analysis of eleven cases of multilateral environmental negotiations. Statistical techniques are used to determine whether there is any relationship among attributes of the process (within the phases or at the turning points) and between these characteristics and outcomes.     

多哈部长级会议与新的多边贸易谈判

<正> 多哈部长级会议已经艰难地结束了,两项主要任务(接纳中国入世与准备启动新的多边贸易谈判)也已基本顺利完成。尤其是接纳中国入世的这一任务完成得十分漂亮。回顾多哈会议的前前后后,研究多哈会议的实际内容,展望准备启动新的多边贸易谈判的前景,是各国政府、WTO 官员和专家、学者面临的共同课题。     

论WTO新一轮多边贸易谈判中的“贸易便利”

“贸易便利”是1996年12月新加坡召开 WTO 第一届部长级会议上提出的新议题之一。为了掌握这一问题的动态,本文就该议题所涉及的基本框架作初步的探讨,以此希望引起国内政府部门、行业协会、企业和研究人员的关注。     

WTO开始讨论多边贸易谈判的未来

10月21日,世贸组织（WTO）总理事会举行简短会议,阿泽维多总干事在会上宣布正式启动关于巴厘岛协议执行和＂后巴厘＂工作计划未来的磋商进程,这标志着WTO成员为打破目前WTO工作僵局做出新尝试。阿泽维多总干事启动新进程实属无奈之举。     

新一轮多边贸易谈判中的知识产权议题

本文主要就新一轮多边贸易谈判中知识产权议题谈判的相关问题,包括生物技术的专利保护、地理标志、非违法之诉、平行进口以及技术合作等问题进行了分析。在此基础上,着重探讨了广大发展中国家所应采取的选择和谈判策略。     

Formal Analysis of Multilateral Negotiations Over the Legal Status of the Caspian Sea

The Evolutionary Model for Multilateral Negotiations (EMMN) is utilized to identify the most likely outcome of the Caspian Sea negotiations. Since 1993, the five littoral states have been negotiating over the legal status of the Caspian Sea but have not reached any agreement, causing a Tragedy of the Commons to unfold. EMMN is a methodology that focuses on asymmetric multilateral negotiations, like those over the Caspian Sea, in which each negotiator seeks to reach the most preferable outcome for which he or she can gain enough support from other negotiators. An advantage of the EMMN approach is that it considers the power of the negotiators as a determining factor in the final resolution. The results of this analysis are compared with those of other studies on Caspian Sea conflict where the powers of decision makers are not taken into account.     

The DOHA Round of Multilateral Negotiations and the Embellishing Role of the Developing Economies

Despite unanswered questions about causality, trade expansion is associated with rapid real GDP growth in the developing economies. While the WTO's mandate is to liberalize multilateral trade and support its rule-based conduct, its operations have definite development relevance. After a history of non-participation in the multilateral trading system, the developing economies began to participate in it in almost an explosive manner. Several developing economies have not only emerged as important traders since the mid-1980s but as G-21 they have also made their presence felt in the on-going multilateral trade negotiations. They made decisive contributions to the July Framework Agreement of 2004. The role of the developing economies in the Doha Round of multilateral trade negotiations has gone on steadily growing. It has been christened the Development Round. It deals with several areas of special interests to the developing economies—agriculture, non-agricultural market access and services being some of the more important ones—and eventually hopes to correct the imbalances in the multilateral trade regime. A successful Doha Round would indeed contribute favorably to growth, have a discernable favorable impact over the incidence of poverty and help in achieving the first MDG.     

The Domestic Sources of Multilateral Trade Negotiations: Explaining Brazil's Negotiating Position in the Doha Round

This article investigates the effects of a transfer between two countries participating in a customs union. This analysis yields very paradoxical results which differ from the conclusions obtained by the traditional literature which has been developed in a two-country framework or in a multilateral world but with universal free trade. The compensation scheme adopted by the authorities of the customs union may create an overall terms of trade deterioration and induce an impoverishment for both member countries. Thus, transfers may not be an adequate instrument to redistribute the gains of economic integration between the members of a free trade association.     

布什对国会再提“快速授权”为新一轮多边谈判做准备

<正> 布什政府近日开始大力敦促国会通过赋予其谈判贸易协议的广泛授权。此次提出的贸易促进授权法案将限制国会只能表决支持或是否定布什签署的任何贸易协议,而不得对有关劳工和环保内容提出修订异议。据外电报道,这项贸易促进授权法案寻求恢复总统谈判贸易协议授权至2005年,先前的贸易授权期限已于1994年在克林顿总统任内到期。美国贸易代表佐里克指出,这项先前称为     

On the European Responsibility in the Agricultural Multilateral Trade Negotiations: Modelling the Impacts of the Common Agricultural Policy

The present round of multilateral trade negotiations is still deadlocked over agricultural trade. The European Union (EU) is urged by its trading partners to open its agricultural markets. Economic evaluations of trade liberalisation scenarios unanimously conclude that a substantial opening of agricultural markets is required for a successful (welfare‐improving) Doha Round. In this paper, we perform new evaluations to identify precisely the contributions of the European farm policy and to examine the robustness of these evaluations in the representation of this complex policy. Using the same specifications as in major previous studies, our first simulations show that the EU has a major responsibility in delivering significant gains to the developing countries. On the other hand, when we conduct the same experiments with a more relevant calibration and modelling of the European farm policy instruments, the gains that these developing countries may reap from the EU liberalisation are considerably reduced. Accordingly the current charge against the EU is simply inopportune.     

双边抑或多边：论FTA对WTO多边贸易体制的影响

由于多哈发展议程陷入困境,使WTO的多边贸易体制正遭受前所未有的挑战。与WTO多边谈判举步维艰不同的是,自由贸易协定和区域性贸易安排正如火如荼进行。FTA在推动WTO多边贸易体制发展的同时也对其构成了威胁。但是由于FTA本身的局限性,以及当前国际金融危机之下的贸易保护主义盛行,WTO多边贸易体制需要不断的完善,以促进世界经济的恢复与发展。     

Multilateral rules on foreign direct investment

During the last decade the world stock of foreign direct investment has more than doubled. Nevertheless, considerable impediments to FDI continue to exist. The following paper discusses these and offers an answer to the question as to whether multilateral rules on FDI are necessary to remove these barriers and what form these rules could take.     

我国对新一轮谈判的立场

<正> 中国外经贸部副部长龙永图12月19日在日内瓦阐述了中国政府对新一轮多边贸易谈判的立场。龙永图代表中国首次以正式成员身份出席了世界贸易组织总理事会会议,并在会上发了言。他说,中国一向支持在充分考虑发展中国家利益和合理要求的基础上,启动新的多边贸易谈判。中国主张新的多边贸易谈判的目标应当是:“第一,有利于建立公平、公正和合理的国际经济新秩序;第二,有利于世界经济的发展和贸易投资便利化;第三,有利于发达国家和发展中     

Revitalising Multilateral Trade Governance

The WTO provides extensive flexibility for members to engage with each other. Using this, WTO members should identify a road map for the future and a work programme to update and expand the rulebook to address trade-distorting nontariff policies that are not or only partially covered by current WTO rules.Expanding the WTO rulebook, accepting greater reciprocity and improving the organisation’s operation are necessary for revitalising the WTO.