Latina entrepreneurship

We utilize individual panel data from the 1996 and 2001 Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP) to analyze the relative success of self-employed female Hispanics. To allow for a meaningful comparison of earnings between self-employed and wage/salary women, we generate different earnings measures addressing the role of business equity. We compare earnings of Hispanic female entrepreneurs to both Latina wage/salary workers and to self-employed female non-Hispanic whites. Latina entrepreneurs are observed to have lower mean earnings than both white female entrepreneurs and Latina employees. However, our findings indicate that Latina entrepreneurs often do well, once differences in mean observable characteristics, such as education, are taken into account. Self-employed Latinas are estimated to earn more than observationally similar non-minority white female entrepreneurs and slightly less than observationally similar wage/salary-employed Latinas.     

Who skims the cream of the Italian graduate crop? Wage employment versus self-employment

This paper tests whether academic achievement is a significant determinant of employment status in the Italian labor market: are new entrepreneurs selected from the top or bottom end of the graduate ability distribution? Is the cream of the graduate crop pulled into self-employment by the higher expected earnings or are individuals with lower degree score pushed into entrepreneurship by poor alternatives? Our data show a strong negative relation between academic achievement and self-employment status, i.e., we find skimming of the best graduates into wage and salary work.     

Labour market institutions,learning and self-employment

We develop a dynamic partial-equilibrium model to analyse how labour market institutions (wage compression, minimum wages, unemployment benefits, mobility costs and fixed-costs of self-employment) and learning affect who and when people become self-employed. We find that certain ability groups of workers become self-employed for both “carrot” and “stick” reasons: Some prefer self-employment to the low institutionalised wage, while others are not productive enough to qualify for a job at the institutionalised wage. Furthermore, wage compression and learning may give rise to a class of switchers who start in wage employment and later switch to self-employment. Several predictions of the model are consistent with observed empirical regularities, such as the existence of a group of low-skilled self-employed workers, the increasing propensity for self-employment over age groups and the larger spread in earnings among self-employed.     

Small business formation by unemployed and employed workers

This paper uses data from the Current Population Surveys for 1968–1987 and from the National Longitudinal Survey of Young Men to examine the relationship among unemployment and small business formation and dissolution for white men and women. We find that self-employed workers are more likely to have experienced unemployment than are wage workers because their higher entry rate into self-employment offsets their higher exit rate out of self-employment. Unemployed men and women who enter self-employment experience a larger drop in their earnings than the unemployed who return to wage work.The authors are Vice President, National Economic Research Associates and Associate Professor, Fordham University, respectively. This research was supported by the U.S. Small Business Administration under contract no. SBA-2102-AER-87. We retain responsibility for the views expressed below.     

Entrepreneurship and Earnings among Young Adults from Disadvantaged Families

Academicians and policymakers have argued that entrepreneurship provides a route out of poverty and an alternative to unemployment or discrimination in the labor market. Existing research, however, provides little evidence from longitudinal data on the relationship between business ownership and economic advancement for disadvantaged groups. I use data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (NLSY) to examine the earnings of young business owners from disadvantaged families and make comparisons to young wage/salary workers from disadvantaged families. For young men from disadvantaged families, I find some evidence that self-employed business owners earn more than wage/salary workers. In contrast, I find that for young women from disadvantaged families business owners earn less than wage/salary workers. The results from these earnings comparisons are somewhat sensitive to the use of different measures of income and econometric models.     

Does self-employment increase the economic well-being of low-skilled workers?

Low-skilled workers do not fare well in today’s skill intensive economy and their opportunities continue to diminish. Utilizing data from the survey of income and program participation, this paper provides an analysis of the economic returns to business ownership among low-skilled workers and addresses the essential question of whether self-employment is a good option for low-skilled individuals that policymakers might consider encouraging. The analysis reveals substantial differences in the role of self-employment among low-skilled workers across gender and nativity—women and immigrants are shown to be of particular importance from both the perspectives of trends and policy relevance. We find that, although the returns to low-skilled self-employment among men is higher than among women, the analysis shows that wage/salary employment is a more financially rewarding option for most low-skilled workers.     

Racial differences in self-employment exits

Using detailed work history data in the 1979 National Longitudinal Survey of Youth, I investigate the reasons behind the racial gap in self-employment. My analysis of an “age uniform” sample of men, all of whom are observed from age 22 to 40 years, reveals that racial differences in cross-sectional self-employment rates are largely due to the fact that minority workers’ self-employment spells are relatively short-lived. Moreover, I find that minority workers’ relatively high exit rates are driven primarily by transitions to nonemployment. Estimates from a multinomial logit model of self-employment exits suggest that minority workers’ weak attachment to the labor market prior to entering self-employment is an important determinant of their transition from self-employment to nonemployment, while lack of prior industry and self-employment experience contributes to minorities’ transitions to wage employment. When I assign blacks and Hispanics the same (mean) work histories as whites, the predicted black–white gap in the first-year self-employment survival rate decreases by 31% and the Hispanic–white gap decreases by 14%.     

A longitudinal analysis of the young self-employed in Australia and the United States

This paper examines the pattern of self-employment in Australia and the United States. We particularly focus on the movement of young people in and out of self-employment using comparable longitudinal data from the two countries. We find that the forces that influence whether a person becomes self-employed are broadly similar: in both countries skilled manual workers, males and older workers were particularly likely to move to self-employment. We also find that previous firm size, previous union status and previous earnings are important determinants of transitions to self-employment. The main difference we observe is that additional years of schooling had a positive impact on the probability of being self-employed in the US but were not a significant influence in Australia. However, the factors influencing the probability of leaving self-employment are different across the two countries.     

The effect of education and experience on self-employment success

The impact of education on the business success of an entrepreneur has been the subject of much discussion and speculation in both the popular and academic press. The literature is full of folklore focusing on the high-school drop out who made it big in the business world armed with an education from the school of hard knocks. Until recently this was part of the myth surrounding entrepreneurship. The myth takes shape in three basic areas. The first looks at the entrepreneur's level of education relative to the general public. The second area addresses the effect of education on people becoming entrepreneurs on a macro level. Do people with higher levels of education start more businesses than people with less education, does it increase the probability of becoming an entrepreneur? The third area concerns the micro-economic effect on individual entrepreneurs. Does education help an entrepreneur succeed?Past research on education and entrepreneurship consists mostly of institutional studies at universities with established programs. These offer good support for the outcome of educational programs. However, these studies are poorly circulated and seldom published because of the limited sample sizes (McMullan (1988) summarized several such studies). In this study the literature is reviewed in three areas mentioned above and new information on the relationships between education, experience, and self-employment is provided.The empirical part of this study examines the effect of education and experience using U.S. census data. Self-employment is used as a surrogate for entrepreneurship and the analysis controlled for farmers and professionals (medical doctors, lawyers, accountants, etc.) so that it would more closely fit our conception of an entrepreneur. Earnings potential was used as a measure of success. We recognize that success is a subjective experience based on one's expectations and actual outcomes; however, we believe that earnings provided a global indicator of success that is quantifiable relative to the sample used. Four specific hypotheses were generated and tested using the data.The first hypothesis (Self-employed have more years of formal education than those who do not work for themselves.) was confirmed with the years of education for the self-employed being 14.57 years for all workers, 14.71 years for males, and 14.13 years for female workers. Wage and salaried workers came in nearly one full year lower with: 13.58 years for all worked, 13.73 for male workers, and 13.40 for female workers.Hypothesis two (The number of years of formal education will increase the probability of becoming self-employed.) was supported with the probability of becoming self employed increasing by 0.8% for each year of education providing a significant relationship (t = 32.11 for all workers, t = 21.95 for males, and t = 20.76 for females, p < .0001 for all three).Hypothesis three (The relationship between years of formal education and success of the self-employed, as well as the general population will be positive and significant.) was supported using the “Beta” coefficients in a “Probit” regression model, indicating that self-employment and wage and salaried earnings increase significantly for each year of education. Self-employment earnings increased $1207.63 a year for each year of education ($1212.76 for males and $414.81 for females). Wage and salaried workers earnings increased $825.99a year for each year of education ($1023.33 for males and $369.37 for females).Hypothesis four (The relationship between experience and self-employment success will be positive and significant, but weaker than the impact of education.) was supported. All self-employed workers, both male and female, had over two years more experience than their wage and salaried counterparts. There is a strong positive relationship between self-employment and both experience and earnings with the exception of self-employed females whose experience did not significantly impact their earnings.In conclusion, a general education has a strong positive influence on entrepreneurship in terms of becoming self-employed and success. Experience has a similar relationship although not as strong. Future studies need to examine the impact of specific types of education, such as business school or entrepreneurship classes, on the entrepreneurial outcomes in the studies.     

Residential segregation influences on the likelihood of black and white self-employment

This paper estimates a model of potential to enter self-employment based on individual, household and community-level factors. This paper focuses on the impact of segregation on the likelihood of black and white working-age adults to be self-employed workers rather than wage or salary workers. A multi-level analysis combined answers of over 400,000 respondents to the 1990 and 2000 Integrated Public Use Micro Sample (IPUMS) [Ruggles, S., Sobek, M., Alexander, T., Fitch, C., Goeken, R., Hall, P., King, M., Ronnander, C., 2004. Integrated Public Use Microdata Series: Version 3.0 [Machine-readable database]. Minnesota Population Center [producer and distributor], Minneapolis, MN] with structural measures from 327 metropolitan areas from the U.S. Census Bureau's Housing Patterns files [Iceland, J., Weinberg, D., Steinmetz, E., 2002. Racial and ethnic residential segregation in the United States, 1980–2000. Special Report Series, CENSR no.3, U.S. Census Bureau, Washington, DC] to test the influence of each segregation process. The two residential segregation processes (relative clustering and exposure) were found to limit and enhance potential entry into self-employment, but in unique ways for each group.     

The Winner’s Curse of Human Capital

We extend a model developed by Evans and Jovanovic (1989) to explain when start-ups are credit constrained. We show that the magnitude of the credit constraint is conditioned by the relative productivity of human capital in both wage work and self-employment. The effect of predicted household income on start-up capital is used to indicate the existence of financial constraint. Empirical analysis reveals that entrepreneurs with high human capital have both greater financial wealth and greater levels of start-up capital pointing to the endogenous nature of credit constraints. High human capital relaxes financial constraints, apparently due to greater productivity of human capital in wage work than in self-employment. Those who are the least likely to be credit constrained in self-employment are those that are least likely to switch into self-employment,and vice versa.     

Individual and place-based drivers of self-employment in Chile

This paper analyzes the importance of individual and place characteristics on the selection into self-employment in Chile. Following a structural and multilevel empirical approach, we test whether both sets of variables explain the variation of individual wages, self-employed earnings, and the propensity of being in independent work. The results indicate that while most of the variation in these three outcomes is explained by individuals’ traits, place-related variables account for a non-negligible share of spatial variation. Second, as suggested by occupational choice theories, the propensity of being in self-employment positively correlates with larger expected earning differentials, but only in the case of employers. This, along with other results, suggests that while employers seem to choose their occupational status, own accounts in Chile seem to respond to factors pushing them into self-employment.     

The determinants of changes in U.S. self-employment, 1968–1987

Summary The self-employment rate depends on the distribution of full-time workers across ages, educational levels, and industries and on tax rates and business conditions. About 90 percent of the variation in self-employment across time and across age groups is explained by these factors. Swings in the self-employment rate over time result from the interplay of changes in these factors. The entry of the baby-boom generation into the labor-force beginning in the later 1960s has led to a decrease in the average age of the full-time nonagricultural workforce and has tended to decrease the self-employment rate. The secular decline of manufacturing, the secular rise of services, and secular increases in educational levels have tended to increase the self-employment rate. Fluctuations in business conditions and tax rates have also affected the self-employment rate. The evidence reported here suggests that self-employment is procyclical, although not strongly so. Increases in effective federal income during the late 1970s tended to increase self-employment rates while decreases during the Reagan years tended to decrease self-employment rates.These findings are helpful for speculating about the answers to three important questions. First, are people more entrepreneurial than they used to be? The fact that the ebb and flow of self-employment over time can be explained almost entirely by structural changes in the economy suggests that people with given demographic characteristics and morking in particular industries have not become more likely to try entrepreneurship²⁸.Second, did the supply of entrepreneurs increase during the Reagan years? The answer is yes and no²⁹. The number of people who operate full-time businesses has certainly increased: from 5.99 million in 1981 to 6.46 million in 1985. The absolute supply of entrepreneurs has risen. But the number of people who are full-time wage workers has also increased: from 65.2 million in 1981 to 71.6 million in 1985. The fraction of workers who operate businesses has fallen: it increased from 9.3 percent in 1981 to a peak of 10.0 percent in 1983 and then fell to 9.1 percent in 1985. The relative supply of entrepreneurs has thus fallen. Ironically, one of the many causes for the decline in the relative supply of entrepreneurs was the decrease in tax rates that were, according to supply-side advocates, supposed to have increased entrepreneurship³⁰.Third, will we see rising or falling self-employment in the coming decade? Predicting future rates of self-employment is treacherous because these rates depend upon many factors. The aging of the baby-boom generation will by itself lead to sharply increasing rates of self-employment as the baby-boomers, who started turning 40 in 1985, pass through the peak years of self-employment. This upward trend may be offset by a number of more fragile structural changes in the economy. The sharp decline of the dollar may reinvigorate manufacturing at the expense of services. If so, self-employment will decline. Further lowering of federal income tax rates may reduce the gains from tax-avoidance through self-employment and thereby impart a further downward trend in self-employment rates. Other changes that have helped increase self-employment may have run their course. Female labor-force participation rates and educational levels among both men and women may have reached a plateau. If so, these factors will cease to be a factor in changing self-employment rates.This paper has analyzed the determinants of changes in the aggregate rate of self-employment across age cohorts. When examining aggregate rates of self-employment we have ignored more subtle questions concerning why particular individuals choose to try self-employment at particular times in their careers and what makes a successful entrepreneur. These questions await future research.We would like to thank Jules Lichtenstein and Edward Starr for helpful comments and suggestions.     

Self-Employment Among Immigrants in Sweden – An Analysis of Intragroup Differences

This paper examines intragroup differences in self-employment within different immigrant groups and the native population in Sweden with the help of 1990 Census data. Intragroup differences are observed among all the groups. The study shows that differences in self-employment rates between individuals with different educational attainment exist for some of the immigrant groups. For immigrants from Southern Europe and non-European immigrants as well as for natives, the propensity for self-employment is lower among individuals with higher education. Furthermore, the study also shows that there are intragroup differences defined by gender and point in time for immigration. Finally, the study observes small differences in self-employment earnings within the different immigrant groups.     

The Making of Entrepreneurs in Germany: Are Native Men and Immigrants Alike?

This paper uses a state of the art three-stage estimation technique to identify the determinants of the self-employed immigrant and native men in Germany. Their making is surprisingly alike. Employing data from the German Socioeconomic Panel 2000 (GSOEP) release we find that self-employment is not significantly affected by exposure to Germany or by human capital. But this choice has a very strong intergenerational link and it is also related to homeownership and financial worries. While individuals are strongly pulled into self-employment if it offers higher earnings, immigrants are additionally pushed into self-employment when they feel discriminated. Married immigrants are more likely to go into self-employment, but less likely when they have young children. Immigrants with foreign passports living in ethnic households are more likely self-employed than native Germans. The earnings of self-employed men increase with exposure to Germany, hours worked and occupational prestige; they decrease with high regional unemployment to vacancies ratios. Everything else equal, the earnings of self-employed Germans are not much different from the earnings of the self-employed immigrants, including those who have become German citizens. However, immigrants suffer a strong earnings penalty if they feel discriminated against while they receive a premium if they are German educated.     

Foreign Wage Premium,Gender and Education: Insights from Vietnam Household Surveys

This paper investigates the differential impacts of foreign ownership on wages for different types of workers (in terms of educational background and gender) in Vietnam using the Vietnam Household Living Standards Surveys of 2002 and 2004. Whereas most previous studies have compared wage levels between foreign and domestic sectors using firm‐level data (thus excluding the informal sector), one advantage of using the Living Standards Surveys in this paper is that the data allow wage comparison analyses to extend to the informal wage sector. A series of Mincerian earnings equations and worker‐specific fixed effects models are estimated. Several findings emerge. First, foreign firms pay higher wages relative to their domestic counterparts after controlling for workers' personal characteristics. Second, the higher the individual workers' levels of education, the larger on average are the wage premiums for those who work for foreign firms. Third, longer hours of work in foreign firm jobs relative to working in the informal wage sector are an important component of the wage premium. Finally, unskilled women experience a larger foreign wage premium than unskilled men, reflecting the low earning opportunities for women and a higher gender gap in the informal wage sector.     

Payment in the Hotel Industry: The Role of Fringe Benefits

Is has long been recognised that the monetary wages paid to many hotel workers do not constitute their total earnings. Additional monetary and non-monetary rewards are a feature of hotel employment. Surprisingly, little is known about these additional rewards or fringe benefits, which are growing in significance in wage and salary administration. Until now the state of knowledge has remained partial and fragmented, and debates conducted in an arena of almost total ignorance. Central to this debate is the comparison of hotel worker earnings with those in other industries. The author describes the research methodology and discusses his empirical data useful to clarify the role played by fringe benefits in the ‘earnings gap’ debate. The results constitute a distinct contribution to our knowledge. The author argues that further development of the techniques for comparing elements of reward, other than basic pay, is of particular importance. However, much remains to be done particularly in removing the constraints on comparability before the total payment system can be fully understood.     

The Entry and Exit Dynamics of Self-Employment in Canada

This paper documents the extent and cyclicality of self-employment entry and exit flows; explores transitions to and from self-employment; and investigates the influence of individual characteristics and labor market experience as well as macroeconomic conditions on the probability of moving into or out of self-employment.The self-employed sector now employs over two and a half million Canadian workers, has expanded on average by over 4% in the 1990s and accounted for over three out of every four new jobs the economy has created. There are substantial flows both into and out of self-employment over the last 15 years. Gross flows into and out of self-employment averaged nearly half a million per year between 1982 and 1994, amounting to 42% of the total self-employed population.Regression results reveal no statistical evidence supporting the dominance of the push hypothesis over the pull hypothesis – the notion that people are increasingly pushed into self-employment by deteriorating economic conditions. This analysis is done both through time-series analysis and the analysis of the determinants of flows into (and out of) self-employment. As in paid employment, younger Canadians are subject to higher turnover in self-employment – they are not only more likely to enter but also substantially more likely to leave self-employment. Prior paid-employment experience and prior self-employment experience are both found to be associated with a higher likelihood of entering self-employment. The longer one is self-employed, the less likely he/she is going to leave the business. Having a spouse in business (being self-employed) substantially increases the likelihood of the other spouse becoming self-employed – a self-employed spouse often attracts the other to either join the family business or start their own. We also find evidence that steady family income through paid-employment from one spouse increases the self-employed's (the other spouse's) affordability to continue with the business venture and hence reduces the likelihood of leaving self-employment.     

Shadow price of working in the shadows: services industry evidence

ABSTRACT

In this paper, we use an exogenous policy variation in the labour market to determine the wage gap between formally and informally employed workers. For our purposes, ‘informal employment’ describes employees who are not officially registered with any social security scheme. We use self-reported employee registration status to identify such workers, but the choice of working unregistered is not exogenous. Nevertheless, through an amnesty that was extended to only some workers in the labour market, we reduce the endogeneity problem, enabling estimation of the wage gap between these two groups. Our two-stage least square estimates reveal that the hourly wage penalty of working in the shadows is as high as 59%, and the monthly salary penalty is around 66%. Moreover, the wage gap is higher (as high as 70%) for those working in the services sector, as unregistered workers in this sector tend to be low skilled and low educated, and the monitoring of this sector is more difficult. Our analysis contributes to the literature by using an instrumental variable to treat the endogeneity of workers’ registration status. In addition, it shows that people working informally in the services industry receive a higher average wage penalty than other informally employed workers.     

Public health insurance,individual health,and entry into self-employment

We investigate the impact of a differential treatment of paid employees versus self-employed workers in a public health insurance system on the entry rate into self-employment. Health insurance systems that distinguish between the two sectors of employment create incentives or disincentives to start a business for different individuals. We estimate a discrete time hazard rate model of entry into self-employment based on representative household panel data for Germany, which include individual health information. The results indicate that an increase in the health insurance cost differential between self-employed workers and paid employees by €10 per month decreases the probability of entry into self-employment by 1.7% of the annual entry rate. This shows that entrepreneurship lock, which an emerging literature describes for the system of employer-provided health insurance in the USA, can also occur in a public health insurance system. Therefore, entrepreneurial activity should be taken into account when discussing potential health-care reforms.