Free Trade Agreements and the Prospects for Regional Integration in East Asia

Trade policy in East Asia has switched from non-discriminatory unilateral liberalization, reinforced by General Agreements on Tariffs and Trade/World Trade Organization (GATT/WTO) commitments, to discriminatory free trade agreements (FTA). The paper surveys the FTA activity of the major regional players: China, the ASEAN countries, Japan, and South Korea. It concludes that emerging FTAs are weak and partial. A hub-and-spoke pattern of dirty FTAs will not drive regional economic integration or further integration with the global economy. Rather, it could be a force of regional economic disintegration – especially if the multilateral trading system weakens further. At the same time, FTA activity is distracting attention from the WTO, and, more fundamentally, from unilateral liberalization and domestic structural reforms. Hence, East Asian trade policies need to be rebalanced, with better-quality FTAs and more focus on the WTO. However, more important than the WTO and FTAs is a fresh spurt of unilateral liberalization and structural reform outside trade negotiations.     

Pollution effects of free trade areas: Simulations from a general equilibrium model

Abstract

A two-factors, two-goods, three-countries general equilibrium model is developed to assess the effects of a Free Trade Area (FTA) on pollution emissions. It also makes it possible to compare the effects of a discriminating commercial policy with alternative–non discriminating–policies, such as full trade liberalization or non-discriminating protection. A theoretical model is first developed in order to take into account country-differences in factor endowment, environmental regulation, pollution abatement technology, marginal disutilities of pollution, as well as terms of trade effects. This model is subsequently calibrated and computed in accordance with empirical evidence. The main conclusion shows that the move from protection to FTA reduces world pollution emissions. A second result indicates that, in case of full trade liberalization, world pollution is further reduced.     

Bilateral Trade Agreements and the Feasibility of Multilateral Free Trade

We studied how the pursuit of bilateral free‐trade agreements (FTAs) affects the likelihood of achieving multilateral free trade. We derive and compare the stable Nash equilibria of two games of trade liberalization: in the FTA game, each country can either form an FTA with one of its trading partners or both of them or none of them, whereas in the (restricted) No FTA game, purely bilateral FTAs are not permitted. The major result is that there exist circumstances under which the freedom to pursue (discriminatory) bilateral FTAs is necessary for achieving multilateral free trade.     

Endogenous Free Trade Agreements and Foreign Lobbying

This paper assesses the political viability of free trade agreements (FTAs) in the presence of lobbying by organized foreign interest groups. The assessment is based on a model in which external tariffs and the decision to form an FTA are endogenously determined. The findings demonstrate that, in the presence of an organized lobby group in a prospective partner country, an FTA may initiate an increase in the level of protection against imports from third countries and impede trade with non‐member countries. Further, this study finds that a foreign lobby may encourage the local government to enter a welfare‐reducing trade‐diverting FTA. Finally, this paper shows that an FTA increases the lobbying power of the organized lobby groups of the member countries, which can potentially obstruct the viability of welfare‐improving multilateral trade liberalization.     

Economic Determinants of Free Trade Agreements Revisited: Distinguishing Sources of Interdependence

One of the most notable international economic events since 1990 has been the enormous increase in the number of free trade agreements (FTAs). While Baier and Bergstrand were the first to show empirically the impact of a country‐pair's economic characteristics on the likelihood of the pair having an FTA, the literature has been extended to demonstrate the importance empirically of FTA “interdependence”—the effect of other FTAs on the probability of a pair having an FTA. In the context of the Baier–Bergstrand framework, this paper delves deeper into the sources of interdependence—an “own‐FTA” effect and a “cross‐FTA” effect. The authors argue that the own‐FTA effect (the impact on the net welfare gains of an FTA between two countries owing to either already having other FTAs) likely dwarfs the cross‐FTA effect (the impact on the net welfare gains of an FTA between the pair owing to other FTAs existing in the rest of the world, or ROW). Augmenting a parsimonious logit model with simple “multilateral FTA” and “ROW FTA” terms to differentiate the own and cross effects empirically, it is shown that the marginal impact on the probability of a country‐pair having an agreement of either country having one more FTA with a third country is 50 times that of one more FTA between another pair in ROW. The results suggest that “domino (own‐FTA) effects” have far exceeded “competitive liberalization (cross‐FTA) effects” in the proliferation of FTAs.     

A dynamic analysis of the Korea–Japan free trade area: simulations with the G‐cubed Asia–Pacific model

This paper explores the effects of the proposed free trade agreement between Japan and Korea. Our experiments are based on a new dynamic simulation model, called the Asia‐Pacific G‐cubed Model, which incorporates the rational expectations and intertemporal optimizing behaviour of agents. The simulations show that both Korea and Japan benefit from the bilateral FTA although other countries lose. The output gains from the FTA are estimated to be larger when trade liberalization is undertaken by a tariff reduction that is more gradually phased‐in than rapid.

JEL Classification: F15     

从美国BIT范本最新修改谈对我国的启示

在经历了为期三年的审查程序后,美国于2012年4月公布了新的双边投资条约范本（以下简称BIT范本）。范本公布之后,中美也开始了进行新一轮BIT谈判。文章从2012年美国BIT范本修正重点和修正方向出发,强调我国应当谨慎对待“投资”定义和投资自由化、积极制定中国版本BIT范本,以期对我国未来参与FTA或与美国BIT谈判有所贡献。     

Analyzing the effects of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership on FDI in a CGE framework with firm heterogeneity

The Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) is a free trade agreement (FTA) that is currently under negotiation among China and 15 other Asian countries. It is one of several potential mega-regional FTAs in the Asia-Pacific region. In this paper we investigate the potential effect of RCEP on foreign direct investment (FDI) with a focus on China using an innovative computable general equilibrium (CGE) model. The model is built on the theory of firm heterogeneity extended to FDI. The framework is able to capture FDI increases along both the intensive and extensive margins. Liberalization under RCEP is simulated as impacting on FDI both directly through FDI liberalization and indirectly through trade liberalization. Our simulation results suggest that RCEP would encourage significant increases in FDI to China through both these pathways. While competition from imports drives out the least productive foreign owned firms, export expansion of firms using FDI will lead to an overall increase in foreign investment. In addition, the facilitation of trade in intermediate goods tends to promote vertical FDI. The direct FDI effect from investment liberalization will evidently promote FDI from partners. Projected economic gains to China from RCEP are in the range of US$103–214 billion, or 1.1–2.2% of GDP.     

The political economy of preferential trade arrangements: The case of Japan

ABSTRACT

Support for open trade regimes varies. We analyze Japanese survey data on individuals' preferences for TPP, unilateral import liberalization, and East Asian economic integration, and compare factors influencing policy preferences. First, despite the massive negative campaigns against TPP, 42.8% of individuals support Japan’s participation in TPP, vs. 21.1% against. Second, economic factors do matter for an individual in determining his/her policy preference over TPP. Third, noneconomic factors such as gender, age, access to accurate information, and attachment to hometown also feature as determinants. Fourth, although preferences over TPP and other policy options are positively correlated, some factors decrease TPP support but do not undermine support for two other less-politicized policy options: lack of access to accurate information and some industry and regional TPP-specific factors. Criticism impacts negatively on FTA policy preferences. Finally, we discuss economic policy implications for relationships between China, Japan, and Korea.

Abbreviations: FTA: Free trade agreement; JA: Japan agricultural cooperative; TPP: Trans-Pacific partnership agreement.     

PREFERENTIAL TRADE AGREEMENTS AND MULTILATERAL TARIFF COOPERATION*

Are preferential trade agreements (PTAs) building or stumbling blocks for multilateral trade liberalization? I address this question in an infinitely repeated tariff game between three countries engaged in intraindustry trade under oligopoly. The central result is that when countries are symmetric, a free trade agreement (FTA) undermines multilateral tariff cooperation by adversely affecting the cooperation incentive of the nonmember whereas a customs union (CU) does so via its effect on the cooperation incentives of members. However, when countries are asymmetric with respect to either market size or cost, there exist circumstances where PTAs facilitate multilateral tariff cooperation.     

Free trade agreements without delocation

Small nations fear that FTAs with larger, richer nations will erode their industrial bases. These concerns are recognized in FTA and multilateral talks: small nations may explicitly or implicitly maintain higher trade barriers. Using a model where symmetric liberalization de-industrializes small, poor nations, we characterize the path of protection-asymmetries that allow liberalization without delocation. In welfare terms, the large nation prefers this no-delocation liberalization scheme only when barriers are sufficiently high; the small nation's ranking is reversed. An anti-delocation scheme involving international income transfers is also evaluated and found infeasible.
Accords de libre-échange quand il y a délocalisation. Les petits pays craignent que les accords de libre-échange avec des pays plus grands et plus riches n'entament leur base industrielle. Ces malaises sont reconnus dans les négociations bilatérales et multilatérales: on permet aux petits pays de maintenir explicitement ou implicitement des barrières commerciales plus élevées. A l'aide d'un modéle où la libéralisation des échanges engendre une désindustrialisation des petits pays pauvres, les auteurs identifient les niveaux d'asymétrie dans le niveau de protection qui permettent d'engendrer une désindustrialisation sans délocalisation. En termes de niveau de bien-être, le grand pays préfère cet arrangement sans délocalisation seulement quand les barrières commerciales sont suffisamment élevées; la préférence des petits pays est à l'inverse. On évalue un arrangement sans délocalisation impliquant des transferts internationaux de revenus, et on montre qu'il est impraticable.     

Dynamic Free Trade Networks: Some Numerical Results

To help predict whether the proliferation of free trade agreements (FTAs) continues until global free trade is effectively attained, this paper investigates dynamic paths of FTAs, generated by numerical simulations of a model of an FTA network formation game with many countries. The characteristics of the final FTA network naturally depend on how the proposer of an FTA is chosen in each period. The paper finds that if the country that has the largest incentive to form an FTA is chosen as a proposer in each period, the network evolution always leads to a unique final FTA network, which may or may not be the complete network of FTAs. FTA networks often evolve to a partition of the world into a small number of groups of asymmetric size owing to the negative network externality caused by preference erosion.     

基于FTA中地理标志的中国策略

地理标志是FTA中较为敏感的谈判领域之一，在TRIPS中已有的地理标志多边保护规则空白点也较多。由于多哈回合谈判艰难曲折，很多国家便将目光投向FTA，各国努力通过形式多样的FTA实现自己的利益，在此过程中也给地理标志保护问题带来新的挑战。我国应审慎处理FTA谈判中的地理标志问题，积极完善相关法律和机制，以适应FTA带来的地理标志复杂变化。     

东北亚自由贸易区三方博弈的纳什均衡解

通过可计算一般均衡模型,对中、日、韩三国间建立自由贸易区的各种可能形式进行模拟分析,在博弈分析框架下得出包含中日韩三国的自由贸易区三方博弈的纳什均衡解;三国中任何一国通过与其他两国分别建立双边自由贸易区所建立的轴心-边陲型FTA是不可行的;建立中日韩FTA不仅能使三国的福利得到提高,而且能促进部分产业在区域外市场上的竞争力提升。     

Unity versus Collaboration: Construction of China's Belt and Road Free Trade Agreement 2.0 Network

In the context of the United States prioritizing bilateral as well as trilateral trade agreements and China's regional economic integration strategy based on the Belt and Road (B&R) Initiative, the B&R free trade agreement (FTA) and the US–European–Japanese FTA (UEJFTA) have become the two regional economic integration processes with the greatest potential impact on the world economic landscape. The present paper examines the game situation as well as the economic effects of China's B&R‐FTA 2.0 network against the United States' UEJFTA to study the optimization of China's B&R FTA system. By constructing a four‐country extended game model under a two‐part expansion, we find that an increase in members will promote the welfare of each country when there is a single regional trade agreement; the potential member countries tend to choose larger organizations for higher economic benefits when there are several regional trade agreements. Our quantitative simulation shows that promoting the construction of the FTA 2.0 network based on the B&R can significantly alleviate the impact of FTA entered into by the United States with its major trading partners.     

The economic and trade effects of the UK–Korea free trade agreement on the United Kingdom,Korea, Japan,China, and the European Union

We explored a comparative static computable general equilibrium model with six regions and 12 sectors to estimate the impacts of the recent UK–Korea free trade agreement (FTA) along with the European Union (EU)–Korea FTA. The empirical results provide quantitative evidence of the impact on national GDP, national exports and imports by sector, and the changes in exports or imports among the United Kingdom, Korea, Japan, China, and the EU. The UK–Korea FTA, along with the EU–Korea FTA, increases GDP and welfare for the United Kingdom and Korea; moreover, there is a large increase in automobiles, transport equipment, and machinery exports between Korea and the United Kingdom. The GDP and welfare level of non-member countries such as Japan and China will slightly decline. Exports from the United Kingdom and Korea to non-member countries are also expected to decrease in most manufacturing sectors. The UK–Korea FTA will lead to increases in imports between the United Kingdom and Korea due to mutual trade creation effects and trade diversion effects. However, non-member countries such as Japan's exports are expected to experience a large decline in automobiles to the United Kingdom and in most manufacturing products to Korea due to the negative impact of the UK–Korea FTA.     

Lobbying, multisector trade, and sustainability of free‐trade agreements

Abstract.  This paper is concerned with the sustainability of free‐trade agreements (FTA). FTA sustainability is influenced by governments' valuations of political contributions, discount factors, the lobbying position of the specific‐interest groups in the intra‐industry trade sectors, and the sectoral coverage of the FTA. I find that (i) under certain conditions, the FTA under protectionist lobbying could be more sustainable than the FTA under no political pressure; (ii) the lobby‐supported FTA is more sustainable than the lobby‐opposed FTA and the FTA under no political pressure; and (iii) multisector trade enhances FTA sustainability. JEL Classification: F12, F13, F15.     

Does financial liberalization matter for emerging East Asian economies growth? Some new evidence

This paper investigates the empirical relationship between financial liberalization and economic growth in East Asian region. The empirical literature suggests that there is a mixed link between financial liberalization and growth in emerging countries. Panel data techniques using LS, TSLS, and GMM are employed to shed some light on the empirical debate, we examine this issue in 6 major emerging East Asian countries over the period 1980–2002. The main result is that financial liberalization's growth effect depends on the nature as well as the intensity of financial sectors liberalization. Full liberalization of the financial sector has been associated with slower growth outcomes while more moderate partial liberalization is associated with more positive outcomes.     

FTA中TBT条款对中国全球价值链攀升的影响研究

基于2000—2014年中国签订的自由贸易协定（FTA）中技术性贸易壁垒（TBT）条款文本,使用自然语言文本处理法量化了中国各行业在FTA中TBT条款的合作水平,实证研究FTA中TBT条款对中国各行业全球价值链位置的影响。实证结果表明,FTA中TBT条款分别从降低贸易成本、促进技术创新、提高制度质量三个路径促进了中国各行业在全球价值链中的攀升。进一步分析发现,FTA中TBT条款对制造业和其他行业全球价值链攀升的促进作用明显,对中国服务业全球价值链攀升的影响不显著;相对于高技术制造业,低技术制造业的全球价值链攀升更容易受FTA中TBT条款的影响。中国政府应该更加积极地参与FTA中与贸易伙伴国的高水平TBT条款的谈判协商,充分发挥其对各行业全球价值链攀升的促进作用,同时重点关注对FTA中TBT条款敏感度较高的行业。     

Unlikely Pivotal States in Competitive Free Trade Agreement Diffusion: The Effect of Japan's Trans-Pacific Partnership Participation on Asia-Pacific Regional Integration

How can a state with dysfunctional trade politics spur the negotiation of major free trade agreements (FTAs)? Using the case of Japan's participation in the trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), we develop an analytical framework on FTA diffusion that takes into account multidimensional (economic, legal and political) competitive pressures, and the ability of states to act as pivots in triggering FTA cascades. We disaggregate the makeup of a pivotal state into two main components – capability and credibility – and underscore Japan's significant latent capabilities, but also its serious credibility shortcomings. The TPP's boost to Japan's credibility raised the possibility of significant economic, legal and political externalities for specific countries which responded by accelerating FTA initiatives that had long stalled: the trilateral China–Japan–Korea FTA, a 16-state East Asian FTA and the Japan–European Union trade negotiations. This study extends the theoretical frontier in policy diffusion studies by clarifying the combination of factors that allows some states, but not others, to activate the externalities behind the dissemination of defensive FTAs.