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1.
Some recent literature has explored physical and policy linkages between trade and the environment. This paper explores linkage through leverage in bargaining, whereby developed countries can use trade threats to achieve improved developing-country environmental management, while developing countries can use environmental concessions to achieve trade discipline in developed countries. A global numerical simulation model is used to compute bargaining outcomes from linked trade and environment negotiations. Results indicate joint gains from expanding the trade bargaining set to include the environment. However, compared with bargaining with cash side-payments, linked negotiations on policy instruments provide significantly inferior outcomes for developing countries.  相似文献   

2.
In the context of the United States prioritizing bilateral as well as trilateral trade agreements and China's regional economic integration strategy based on the Belt and Road (B&R) Initiative, the B&R free trade agreement (FTA) and the US–European–Japanese FTA (UEJFTA) have become the two regional economic integration processes with the greatest potential impact on the world economic landscape. The present paper examines the game situation as well as the economic effects of China's B&R‐FTA 2.0 network against the United States' UEJFTA to study the optimization of China's B&R FTA system. By constructing a four‐country extended game model under a two‐part expansion, we find that an increase in members will promote the welfare of each country when there is a single regional trade agreement; the potential member countries tend to choose larger organizations for higher economic benefits when there are several regional trade agreements. Our quantitative simulation shows that promoting the construction of the FTA 2.0 network based on the B&R can significantly alleviate the impact of FTA entered into by the United States with its major trading partners.  相似文献   

3.
代明  陈霄  姜寒 《技术经济》2017,36(5):103-109
利用2007—2014年中国对112个国家出口贸易的面板数据,实证研究了中国技术水平、进口国知识产权保护及两者的交互效应对中国出口贸易的影响。结果显示:中国技术水平与高收入进口国知识产权保护的交互效应对中国出口贸易的影响显著为负,而与低收入进口国知识产权保护的交互效应的影响并不显著。这说明,中国出口产品技术水平的提升,对高收入进口国企业的威胁加大,迫使其建立更严苛的贸易壁垒,抑制中国企业出口。  相似文献   

4.
This paper looks at the role of textile exports in Japan and China's economic development in the period of 1868–1930 as a major explanation for the “Little Divergence” between the two countries in the context of the “Great Divergence” between Europe and Asia. Because of textiles' large weighting in proto‐industrialization gross domestic product (GDP), we postulate that China's initial 20‐year lag in textiles vis‐à‐vis Japan turns out to be fatal for its industry and that it eventually ordains totally different development patterns for the textile industry in the two countries, which ultimately led to different growth patterns for the overall economy. Although both countries saw rapid growth of textile exports, the nature of those exports and the entailed position of each country in the industry value chain of trade were quite different. We then use Granger causality tests to show that in one case (Japan) it is in support of the export‐led‐growth hypothesis (ELG) while in another (China) it is not. Our study then also explains why Japan's industrial revolution took place much earlier than China's.  相似文献   

5.
This paper investigates the determinants of trade between Oman and its major Asian trading partners in order to gauge the impact of the process of trade liberalisation. The empirical findings based on the gravity model indicate that Oman's imports from Asia are strongly determined by Asian population, Asian per capita gross domestic product (GDP), real exchange rates, distance and Oman's per capita GDP. The results also provide strong evidence that Oman's oil exports to Asia are strongly and equally determined by Asia's and Oman's population. Our findings reveal that while distance is not a friction to Oman's oil exports, it has a weak regressive effect on non-oil exports. Our results also indicate a negative but statistically insignificant effect of trade liberalisation on non-oil exports. These findings certainly have policy implications in terms of Oman–Asia trade relationship and in particular the need for more policy intervention to liberalise the non-oil exports sector so as to facilitate its wider integration within Asia.  相似文献   

6.
This paper develops a general equilibrium monetary model to study China–US trade relations. The model captures two main features of China–US trade: China's fixed exchange rate regime and the use of the US dollar as the international medium of exchange. The main conclusions of this paper are threefold. First, an improvement in the productivity of China's tradable sector would benefit both China and the US. Second, a RMB appreciation would reduce consumption in the US and increase consumption in China, and would likely reduce China's trade surplus. It would also lead to a contraction in China's tradable sector and an expansion in US's tradable sector. Third, a monetary expansion in the US would hurt China because it would lead to a transfer of wealth from China to the US, a fall in China's relative wage rate and terms of trade, and an artificial expansion in China's tradable sector. A US monetary expansion would also increase China's trade surplus.  相似文献   

7.
To examine the impact of trade barrier reductions on the Chinese economy following its WTO accession, a single‐country, static CGE (Computable General Equilibrium) model is constructed, which incorporates certain elements of imperfect competition in China's current economic situation. China's real GDP and total employment are expected to rise by small degrees, while the general price level may decline by a few percentage points. Total imports would rise by more than 10%, whereas total exports would increase far less. China's trade surplus is, therefore, likely to shrink substantially and its dependence upon foreign trade is likely to rise by a few percentage points. A sensitivity analysis confirms the robustness of the simulation results. A comparison with other CGE studies on China's trade liberalization also shows the plausibility of this study's predictions.

JEL Classification: F17, C68  相似文献   

8.
This paper examines the effect of lobbying by a labor union and its parent firm on the argument for strategic export policy in a third market-unionized duopoly. The lobbying-induced export policy frequently deteriorates domestic welfare as compared with free trade. It is true that the politically-determined export policy can improve domestic welfare if the union's bargaining power is strong and the domestic government's responsiveness to political contributions is weak. However, even if the conditions are met, implementing the lobbying-induced export policy will not enhance domestic welfare more than improving labor–management relations. Moreover, the improvement of their relations will be hampered by the opportunity of their lobbying. These results indicate that strategic export policy toward a unionized duopoly should be restrained in light of political economy.  相似文献   

9.
Book Review     
This paper analyses determinants of intra-industry trade in food processing for a 30-country sample over the period 1964–85. Previous studies have tested the hypothesis that imperfect competition is a major determinant of intra-industry trade (IIT) in the durable goods manufacturing sectors. This study is distinguised from the earlier studies of IIT by; the examination of the processed food sector (SIC=20), the use of a panel data set for 22 years and 30 countries available at the four-digit SIC level, the use of purchasing power parity measures of GDP, and the use of a weighted tobit model with fixed effects to account for the censored cross-section time-series nature of the date. The results indicate that ITI in food processing is a positive function of a country's GDP per capita and equality if GDP per capita between countries. In addition, it is also found that such trade is strongly influenced by distance between trading partners, membership in customs unions and free trade blocs, and also exchange rate volatility.  相似文献   

10.
The US trade deficit has been growing for over 25 years and has been accompanied by enlarging freight rate differentials. While traditional models of trade have ignored these gaps assuming symmetry across all bilateral trade costs, the specific linkages between trade imbalances and international transportation costs have remained unexplored. Given the current trade policies, the implications arising from the endogenous adjustment of bilateral transport costs to policy-induced changes in the US trade deficit are of particular importance. To break new ground on this issue, we develop and estimate a model of international trade and transportation that accounts for the effects of persistent trade imbalances. The theoretical results are supported by our empirical analysis and indicate that bilateral transport costs adjust to a country's trade imbalance. The implication is that a unilateral import policy, for example, will cause spillover effects into the bilaterally integrated export market. To illustrate, we use our empirical results to simulate the anticipated spillover effect from the Chinese ban on waste imports. We find that China's ban and the projected 1.5% rise in the US trade deficit will lead to not only a 0.77% reduction of transport costs charged on US exports to China but also a 0.34% increase in transport costs on US imports from China.  相似文献   

11.
In 2002, US net exports of advanced technology products (ATPs) registered a deficit of US$16.6 billion for the first time. By 2006, the ATP trade deficit reached US$43.7 billion. This is primarily due to China's increasing importance as an ATP import source and does not indicate a wholesale loss of US competitiveness in ATPs. Mostly, China's market share gain came at the expense of other Asian countries. This geographical shift in China's favor is due to her greater integration with Asian supply chains. Trade gravity regressions show that the USA exports more advanced technology parts and accessories to lower income countries but advanced technology capital and consumer goods imports by the USA are not correlated with the income of the import source countries. Thus, there is weak evidence that labor cost savings via foreign assembly operations dominate US ATP trade with middle and low income countries.  相似文献   

12.
This paper provides the first comprehensive measure of how much China has gained from import variety from 1997 to 2008, by adopting a simplified trade restrictiveness index. Utilizing the most disaggregated product‐level import data available for China, the paper finds that the welfare gain as a result of new import variety amounts to 4.9% of gross domestic product (GDP), or 0.4% annually, after controlling for the prevalent imported intermediate inputs for processing. Furthermore, the empirical strategy is extended to investigate specific contributions of different countries, and finds that China gains the most from Japan, followed by Canada and Germany. Countries with abundant natural resources, such as Indonesia, Russia, Iran, and Australia, also contribute significantly to China's welfare.  相似文献   

13.
Conventional international trade theory predicts that bilateral offshoring flows will be highest when two countries have very different relative factor endowments. In contrast, the new trade theory contends that offshoring is more likely to exist when countries’ relative factor endowments are similar. This paper empirically tests the relationship between offshoring and relative factor endowments, measured by the skill overlap index between two countries and finds evidence that there is an inverted U‐shape relationship. Our empirical results predict that the rise in educational attainment in China will motivate U.S. multinationals to send their tasks to China in the short run; over the long run, however, U.S. multinationals will have fewer incentives to send their tasks to China. This finding sheds new light on the current trade tensions between the United States and China and has implications for trade policy.  相似文献   

14.
We study the effects of Chinese monetary policy shocks on China's major trading partners in East and South‐East Asia by estimating structural vector autoregressive (SVAR) models for six economies in the region. We find that a monetary expansion in Mainland China leads to an increase in real GDP (temporary) and the price level (permanent) in a number of economies in our sample, most notably in Hong Kong and the Philippines. The impact could result from intertemporal substitution present in a general equilibrium framework, which allows for positive domestic impacts of foreign monetary expansions. Our results emphasize the growing importance of China for its neighbouring economies and the significance of Chinese shocks for the design of monetary policy in Asian economies.  相似文献   

15.
1925年 《斯匹茨卑尔根群岛条约》的签订,标志着中国开始参与北极国际合作。当前,北极问题正逐步成为一个全球性问题,我国作为近北极国家,北极地区的气候、环境的变化将对我国的生态、经济等各方面产生重大影响,我国参与北极国际合作刻不容缓。本研究主要从参与北极科研、经济、治理合作三个方面对已有文献进行整理分析,以对我国参与北极国际合作进行整体概述。可以发现,当前对北极国际合作研究的相关文献有逐年增长趋势,但对北极国际经济合作进行综合分析的文献并不多,随着冰上丝绸之路建设提出及《中国的北极政策》颁布,对中国参与北极国际经济合作的研究将会是以后的一个重要方向。  相似文献   

16.
Newly assembled data show that, as China opened up to global trade during the early 20th century, its exports became more unskilled‐intensive and its imports more skill‐intensive. Difference‐in‐differences estimates show that World War I dramatically increased Chinese exports, raising the relative demand for the unskilled workers producing them. When the war ended, trade costs declined and China's terms of trade increased, further stimulating exports. A simulation of a dynamic general equilibrium model demonstrates that the effects of the war on China's terms of trade produces a decline in the skill premium similar to what China experienced in the 1920s.  相似文献   

17.
Through an analysis of the formation of free trade agreements (FTAs), this article seeks to examine the factors that caused the gap in Japan and China's relationship with Southeast Asia to emerge and expand in the new millennium. In order to address this question, the article focuses on China and Japan's diplomatic styles and domestic political institutions and examines how these two elements influenced negotiations on the formation of FTAs, as well as the evolving perceptions that the Southeast Asian nations have of these two states. The article argues that Japan and China possess different kinds of weaknesses in implementing feasible external policies – a lack of policy decisiveness for Japan and weak policy credibility for China – which have resulted from the operation of domestic political institutions. Given these differences, while China implemented pragmatic diplomacy that helped improve its policy credibility, Japan's bargaining diplomatic style did not serve to rectify its weak policy decisiveness. Such differences in their diplomatic approach have led to the differing influence of these two states on Southeast Asia.  相似文献   

18.
The primary approach to address climate change in China has been the use of CO2 intensity targets coupled with targets for low carbon energy deployment. We evaluate the impact of extending similar targets through 2050 on China's energy use profile and CO2 emissions trajectory using the China-in-Global Energy Model (C-GEM). The C-GEM is a global computable equilibrium model that includes energy and economic data provided by China's statistical agencies, calibration of savings, labor productivity, and capital productivity dynamics specific to China's stage of development, and regional aggregation that resolves China's major trading partners. We analyze the combined impact of extending CO2 intensity targets, implemented via a cap-and-trade program, and low carbon energy policies (directives for nuclear power expansion and feed-in tariffs for wind, solar, and biomass energy) through 2050. Although with the policy, simulated CO2 emissions are around 43% lower in 2050 relative to a reference (No Policy) counterfactual, China's CO2 emissions still increase by over 60% between 2010 and 2050. Curbing the rise in China's CO2 emissions will require fully implementing a CO2 price, which will need to rise to levels higher than $25/ton in order to achieve China's stated goal of peaking CO2 emissions by 2030.  相似文献   

19.
The Trump administration has embarked upon two large economic policy initiatives at a time of full employment: increasing the budget deficit by cutting personal and corporate tax rates; and increasing protection, especially against countries with which the United States has bilateral trade deficits. These initiatives are meant to reduce trade deficits and increase employment and incomes in the US manufacturing sector. Economic analysis tells us that the result will be larger trade deficits, and weaker total tradeables, including manufacturing employment. There may or may not be a net gain for employment and incomes in those industries which have been the greatest beneficiaries of protection. Trump's protection policies will damage incomes in the United States and the rest of the world; the damage will be greater if other countries retaliate or emulate. Alternative policies that compensate losers from free trade would give better results.  相似文献   

20.
The People's Bank of China's (PBoC) balance sheet expanded more dramatically than any of its major international counterparts during the past decade. The main contribution to this expansion was the rapid accumulation of the central bank's foreign assets, as a result of foreign exchange market intervention. In this paper, we examine the possible international transmission of this expansion by analyzing monthly data for China and 15 other countries over the period 2000–2012. Impulse response analysis based on vector autoregression modeling suggests that the PBoC's balance sheet expansion has greater impacts on developing than on developed countries. So far the influences appear to be dominated by “trade channels” instead of “financial channels,” possibly due to China's capital account controls. However, the impacts of the PBoC's balance sheet expansion on other countries' interest rates, exchange rates, and stock market prices could strengthen significantly in the coming years as China's economic scale grows and its capital account opens up.  相似文献   

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