加工贸易转型升级的方向与政策

加工贸易始于1979年，目前已经成为中国对外贸易的半壁江山。加工贸易的发展一直伴随着争议。自中央提出加工贸易转型升级的方针以来，对于加工贸易如何转型升级也出现了种种探索。时值中国对外开放30年之际，深入总结加工贸易发展的历史经验，谋划未来加工贸易转型升级之方向与政策，具有重大现实意义。     

加工贸易转型升级的方向与政策

加工贸易占我国对外贸易的半壁江山。自中央提出加工贸易转型升级的方针以来，对于加工贸易如何转型升级也出现了种种探索。时值中国对外开放30年之际，谋划未来加工贸易转型升级之方向与政策，具有重大现实意义。     

中国加工贸易的发展历程与政策演变

发展加工贸易是我国承接产业转移、参与国际分工和实施对外开放的重要战略选择.当前促进加工贸易转型升级不是取消加工贸易,而是更好地发展加工贸易.要保持加工贸易政策的稳定性和可预见性,协调处理好加工贸易顺差与延长产业链、直接税收与间接税收、保税政策与国际竞争力等四个关系,把握加工贸易转型升级方向,延长加工贸易国内增值链,加快“中国制造”向“中国创造”的转变.     

吸引外资进入新阶段：关于近年来引资政策的调整

近年来我国陆续对外资及其相关政策进行了重大调整，体现出吸引外资进入一个新阶段。 1、调整加工贸易政策 一是调整加工贸易禁止类目录。2007年4月5日，商务部会同海关总署、环保总局联合颁布了2007年第17号公告，公布了2007年加工贸易禁止类目录。     

我国加工贸易发展出路研究

本文介绍了我国加工贸易的现状,分析了目前存在的主要问题,并对其发展出路进行了探讨.要加强对加工贸易政策的调整,促进加工贸易转型升级,使加工贸易向高科技术产业方向发展;促进国内配套产业发展,延长加工贸易的价值链;加强基础研究,培育高新技术产业的自主开发能力.     

我国加工贸易政策的问题与改进建议

以企业调查为基础，分析了现行加工贸易政策存在的主要问题，提出了进一步改进加工贸易政策的方向与具体建议。     

政策信息

加工贸易要优化存量、控制增量、规范经营、提高水平一位中央领导同志日前在北京的一次会议上充分肯定了加工贸易在我国国民经济发展中起到的积极作用,并指出加工贸易今后的发展方向。主要精神如下:加工贸易是改革开放的产物,最初是来料加工、来样加工、来件组装和补偿贸易的"三来一补",80年代中期发展比较快的是"两头在外"的进料加工。去年我国加工贸易出口占出口总额的57%,比     

我国加工贸易政策的演变与现状

系统地整理了我国现行加工贸易政策，分析了加工贸易政策演变的原因与背景，总结了当前加工贸易政策的主要内容，是分析现行加工贸易政策中存在问题及改进的基础。     

论浙江外贸企业如何应对出口退税政策未来的调整

出口退税政策作为促进出口的有效手段,退税力度直接影响产品出口竞争力.近期国家取消了406种商品的出口退税,说明金融危机影响消退后,原在上调通道的出口退税政策可能进入下调通道.基于此,文章探讨了前几次出口退税率调整对浙江省外贸企业发展产生的利弊影响,并分析了企业应如何主动应对未来可能的政策调整.     

我国建国后死刑政策分析及建议

死刑的制定、实施乃至存废都与死刑政策密切相关。新中国成立后,我国死刑政策的发展大致经历了三个阶段。当今世界各国死刑政策已经或者逐步向着死刑当废的方向发展,在这一背景下,我国未来的死刑政策宜作相应调整。     

我国出口退税政策改革探析

我国自1985年实施出口退税政策以来,对促进我国外贸进出口的发展做出了重要贡献,但是在运行过程中出现了出口骗税、中央财政退税压力过大、不适应产业结构调整优化的要求等问题。出口退税制度的改革对于缓解进出口贸易顺差,优化产业结构起着极大推动作用。     

发展加工贸易促进贸易平衡研究

后危机时代我国加工贸易企业面临的问题日益突出,出口急剧萎缩.然而加工贸易确是当前我国贸易顺差的主要来源.文章对造成加工贸易顺差的原因进行分析,提出应进一步调整加工贸易政策:通过建立健全加工贸易产业退出机制,完善加工贸易产业评价体系;利用出口转内销政策,将加工贸易内销和外销都作为政策的导向;利用加工贸易平衡的调节器--内外销弹性调节机制,促成加工贸易发展趋于平衡.     

The pressure towards protectionism: Is it systematic? A legacy of the recession? The result of policy to promote recovery?

In light of the concern being expressed in many national and international fora about the pressures towards protectionism, this paper explores the reasons for and the possible consequences of this new protectionist trend. The analysis is restricted to macroeconomic issues and policy situations. In answer to the question, ‘Can the current recovery be turned into durable economic growth, more evenly distributed among countries, across productive sectors, and throughout the population?’, the author replies in the affirmative on two conditions: (i) if macroeconomic and structural adjustments are pursued with unmitigated determination where needed; and (ii) if trade, the vital link among our economies, is allowed to revive worldwide. The core of the paper discusses four major unresolved policy issues that have important implications for world trade: (1) internal and external imbalances in the US recovery; (2) trade and underperformance in Europe; (3) the question of Japan and the Pacific NICs; and (4) external debt and adjustment in LDCs.     

欧盟贸易政策的发展趋势及对中欧经贸关系的影响

欧债危机发生以来,欧盟经济饱受债务危机之害,经济严重下滑,失业率节节攀升。为了刺激经济发展,欧盟对其贸易政策做了一系列调整,影响了中欧经贸关系的发展。本文总结了欧债危机发生后欧盟贸易政策的发展趋势,分析了其贸易政策变化对中欧经贸关系的影响,进而提出加强与欧盟沟通、积极进行自贸区谈判等对策,以促进中欧经贸关系的发展。     

Narrowing the development divide in ASEAN: the role of policy

Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is divided. Most striking is the development divide that separates the newer members (the Cambodia, Lao People's Democratic Republic, Myanmar, and Vietnam countries) from the original ones (ASEAN‐6). More rapid growth in the CLV since the 1990s, driven by trade, investment, and other market reforms, has reduced these income differences. While the development divide has narrowed, huge gaps remain. Further narrowing of these gaps will require an increase in the speed and the breadth of policy reforms. A gaping hole in the policy landscape in ASEAN is the failure to address labour mobility adequately. Ongoing demographic transitions will result in greater labour outflow. The current policy void on labour migration not only limits the benefits from trade and investment liberalisation but also increases the cost of structural adjustment. Although rapid growth has resulted in convergence between countries, it has increased polarisation within countries. This can threaten social cohesion, as well as the sustainability of future growth. In order to make growth more inclusive, there is a need to invest more in education and health and to institute land reform. Apart from directly reducing social and asset inequities, such policies will produce a workforce more able to participate in the growth process and adapt to structural change.     

Natural resources and non-cooperative trade policy

When looking at the conditions of trade in natural resources the world appears upside down: tariff protection in natural resources sectors is generally lower than for overall merchandise trade, while export restrictions are twice as likely as in other sectors. On the other hand, tariff escalation is significant in natural resources sectors, where materials in their raw state face, on average, lower duties than in their processed form. In this paper, we discuss how export taxes and tariff escalation may be the result of an uncooperative trade policy. Specifically, tariff escalation and export taxes can be “beggar-thy-neighbor” policies because governments may be tempted to use them to alter the relative price of exports to their advantage (terms-of-trade effect) or to expand the domestic processing industry at the expenses of foreign production (production relocation effect). In equilibrium, these policies offset each other in a Prisoners’ Dilemma situation, where trade is inefficiently low.     

金融危机下印度外贸政策调整的效果及启示

国际金融危机给印度对外贸易造成明显冲击。印度政府适时调整贸易政策,出口刺激与市场防御并重,加快推进贸易多元化。2010~2011财年印度外贸运行状况反映出政策调整已显现较为积极的效果,但也存在一些明显不足,这为我国后危机时期对外贸易政策的调整提供了诸多启示。     

Institutional determinants of Indonesia's sugar trade policy

An analysis of contemporary sugar trade policy in Indonesia highlights problems in the institutional framework for trade policy making. The institutions through which sugar trade policy is formulated entrench the interests of rent-seeking bureaucrats, import licence holders and traders to the detriment of consumers and downstream producers of processed products. Moreover, the resulting trade policy regime has problematic effects on sugarcane farmers. The structure of regulatory intervention is due less to democratic pressures than to the inclusion of vested interests in the institutions that formulate policy. Further, the lack of effective mechanisms for inter-ministerial coordination and for resolving conflicting policy preferences among ministries hinders the development of coherent trade policy and obstructs reform efforts. An institutional framework that facilitates representation of all interests affected by sugar trade policies and public scrutiny of the effects of policy intervention is likely to deliver better outcomes for consumers and producers alike.     

Trade policy in Mexico

This paper provides an evaluation of the trade policies applied in Mexico in the last quarter century (1956–1982). It examines the policies in three well-defined periods: (1) 1956–1971, considered to be a period of relative stability following the rapid inflation and devaluations of the first post-war decade, though characterized by increasing overvaluation of the peso; (2) March 1972–December 1976, beginning with the acceleration of government spending under President Echeverria and ending with the devaluations of the peso; (3) December 1976–December 1982, covering the Presidency of José López Portillo. For each period, the author discusses macroeconomic policy, trade policy developments and changes in Mexican exports and imports and their contribution to industrial growth. Having demonstrated the interdependence of macroeconomic and trade policies, the paper concludes with recommendations for policy reform, e.g. for remedying macroeconomic disequilibria, reducing price distortions and reforming trade policy, with a view to moving towards an outward-oriented development strategy in Mexico.     

论两岸科技合作发展趋势与政策选择

随着知识经济的发展,两岸科技合作将成为两岸经济合作的最重要组成部分。台湾当局给两岸科技合作设置了重重政策障碍,限制了两岸科技合作的进一步深化发展。随着知识经济的快速发展,区域经济一体化趋势日益增强。两岸科技合作所依据的客观条件已经发生很大变化,两岸科技合作政策亦应有所调整。