Race,amenities, and psychic income

Even when there are no racial wage differences between black and white faculty in institutions of higher learning in the Deep South, there are significant racial differences in amenities such that the psychic income of blacks is lower than that of whites. It is demonstrated that black faculty will tend to have higher turnover rates than whites if racial discrepancies in amenities exist. The maintenance of old traditions that affect job satisfaction of blacks acts as a margin to neutralize integration efforts. The assumption that equal pay is equivalent to equal opportunity is challenged.     

Estimating net lottery revenues for states

Based on 1980–95 data, this paper estimates and forecasts net lottery revenues for states with and without lotteries. This study indicates that a multi-state estimation is improved when a time-series and cross-section technique is used. Forecasting results are also improved when unequal time series in the data and less-than-full first years of operating lottery are controlled. For states without lotteries, the time-series and cross-section estimation indicates that only two of 14 states without a lottery would have generated net lottery revenue of more than $100 million. The number increases to five of 14 in the cross-section estimation.     

Housing, Race, and Recovery from Hurricane Katrina

The destruction of private and public housing in New Orleans caused by Hurricane Katrina was greatest among African Americans due to historic settlement patterns. Data for 13 planning districts within Orleans Parish (the city of New Orleans proper) that document the extent of housing destruction, the distribution of population by race, and the share of returned population at 2 and 5 year points across these planning districts are evaluated using correlation analysis. The finding is that the return of African Americans to New Orleans is significantly less than that of other groups and is associated with the greater housing destruction in neighborhoods with the highest percentages of African Americans. An analysis of the structure and impact of the Road Home program for private housing and of the initiatives of the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development and the Housing Authority of New Orleans provides evidence of racial discriminatory policies and practices that contributed to the racial disparity in the African American return to New Orleans. It is suggested that political leaders paid more attention to the interests of developers and big businesses in the restoration of New Orleans than to the interests of the predominantly black working class in the city.     

Race and wealth

One of the most heated scholarly controversies in the area of racial equality and social justice in the 1980s has been the dispute over the nature, cause, and meaning of economic changes occurring within the black community. Although this debate has important public policy consequences, most of the research on which the debate is based is concerned with income. We argue that a broader interpretation of life chances should include an examination of wealth as well as income. Using the 1984 Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP), we examine black and white patterns of wealth inequality. Our analysis uncovers a depth of inequality beyond that which is found when income alone is considered. Furthermore, we find that both race and class are important in determining patterns of racial inequalities in wealth.     

Race,Restrictive State Abortion Laws and Abortion Demand

A disproportionately large number of abortions are performed on black and Hispanic women. This study empirically investigates whether restrictive state abortion laws differentially affect the abortion demand of white, black and Hispanic women for the year 2005. A state Medicaid abortion funding restriction significantly decreases the abortion rate of all three races. However, Hispanic women’s abortion demand is more sensitive to a Medicaid funding restriction than either white women or black women. Parental involvement laws and mandatory counseling laws have no significant impact on the abortion rates of the three racial groups. Two-visit laws are associated with a significant decrease in the abortion rate of white women, but have no significant effect on the abortion rates of black and Hispanic women.     

Race, Inequality, and Anti-Chinese Violence in the Netherlands Indies

Movements in wages for subjects of the Netherlands Indies for the period 1908-1917 are analyzed. The analysis reveals a sharp increase in inequality between the ethnic indigenous and Chinese communities between 1910 and 1916, the period of the birth and rise of the anti-Chinese Sarekat Islam movements in Java. It also reveals that this inequality was most severe in a number of residencies of Java, where the movements first took hold. While there is statistical evidence of a link between interracial wage differentials and anti-Chinese violence, there is no link between absolute wages and violence. This evidence suggests that “relative deprivation” is important in understanding ethnic tension.     

Race and prosecution expenditures

There has been a steady accumulation of literature on racial differentials in crime and the response of the criminal justice system. A neglected component of societal response to crime has been the volume of prosecution expenditures. This article seeks to repair this neglect by examining state level difference inper capita prosecution expenditures in 1980 using a multiple regression equation. The results show that, holding other factors constant, lower prosecution expenditures are associated with higher percentages of blacks in a state’s population. The relationship of this to discrimination is discussed in terms of England.     

Race,class, and politics in the black community of Boston

Conclusion We found that there are indeed some slight differences in the electoral behavior of black voters when we separate them into high and low socio-economic areal categories based on the level of median income. These slight differences include turnout rates for primary and general elections and voter registration rates. The higher the socioeconomic status of the black electorate in Boston, the higher the turnout and registration rates for that area tended to be; however, this relationship was not found to be consistent among all the areas selected for study. Despite these differences in electoral behavior or “practices,” our areal model does not suggest any significant political schisms based on the sicioeconomic indicators used. Black voters tended to vote the same way on a number of city and state ballot questions, support the same candidates at both the city and state level, and vote the liberal preference on both issues and candidates regardless of socioeconomic background. In addition, there is some evidence that the higher a black voter is on the socioeconomic scale, the greater his or her tendency will be to vote the liberal position on various issues and candidates. Our model also suggests that black voters will tend to support black candidates regardless of some socioeconomic factors. If this model can be used as an indication of class differences in the black community, then our data show that socioeconomic criteria are not as salient as race in determining the political behavior and preferences of black voters.