Does East Asia Have a Working Financial Safety Net?

Financial safety nets in Asia have come a long way since the Asian financial crisis (AFC) of 1997/1998. With Asian countries not wanting to rely solely on the IMF again, the Chiang Mai Initiative (CMI) was created in 2000. When the CMI also proved inadequate following the global financial crisis, it was first multilateralized (CMIM), and then doubled in size to US$240bn, while the IMF de‐linked portion was increased to 30 percent of the available country quotas. A surveillance unit, the ASEAN+3 Macroeconomic Research Office, was set up in 2001. These are impressive developments, but are they enough to make the CMIM workable? Without clear and rapid‐response procedures to handle a fast‐developing financial emergency, we argue that it is unlikely that the CMIM will be used even as a complement to the IMF. To serve as a stand‐alone option, however, its size or the IMF de‐linked portion of funds needs to be further increased, as does its membership, to add diversity. Only if the ASEAN+3 Macroeconomic Research Office can develop into an independent and credible surveillance authority would it then perhaps be in a position to lead the next rescue.     

Is Asian Currency Unit Attractive to East Asian Economies？

Pegging the RMB exchange rate to the Asian currency unit (ACU) has not, at least in the short term, been proved a better solution than pegging to the US dollar or pegging to a G‐3 (US$, Japanese yen and euro) currency basket. Although the Asian currency unit can help Asian economies to keep the relative price of regional currencies stable, the cost of joining a formal regional monetary cooperation is the relinquishment of the autonomy of their domestic policies. Asian monetary cooperation needs to provide more potential benefits if it is to attract Asian economies. We argue that Asian monetary cooperation should be designed to solve the problem of regional trade imbalance, and regional exchange rate policy coordination should be adopted as the first step towards exchange rate cooperation. (Edited by Zhinan Zhang)     

东亚货币合作研究文献综述

全球性金融危机的爆发再次助推了东亚地区货币合作的进程。本文详细梳理了东亚货币合作研究的线索,明确了东亚货币合作进一步的研究方向：从货币竞争和锚货币选择这个思路考察区域内核心货币（尤其是人民币）在汇率协调机制中发挥的作用,并对东亚汇率协调机制进行重估。同时,还需在新形势下从理论和实践层面探讨中国如何参与东亚货币合作以促进中国乃至东亚地区的繁荣和发展,为进一步推进东亚货币合作提供理论支持和政策依据。     

On Regional Monetary Arrangements for ASEAN

This paper analyzes the extent to which ASEAN may be suitable for a regional monetary arrangement. On the economic front, we review evidence on patterns of trade, economic shocks, the extent of factor mobility, and the monetary transmission mechanism. We find that ASEAN today is less suitable for a regional monetary arrangement than the Euro area was before the Maastricht Treaty, but the differences are not large. On the political front, we analyze the prerequisites for monetary integration in light of 50 years of European experience. We conclude that a firm political commitment would be key to ensuring that an attempt to form a regional monetary arrangement is not viewed as simply another fixed exchange rate system open to speculative attack. That commitment would have to be strong enough to survive for an extended period and to support difficult decisions such as rendering the central bank independent, adhering to fiscal and exchange rate arrangements even if the policy stance conflicts with that which would be adopted on the basis of purely domestic considerations, and accepting supranational directives. These are very considerable prerequisites for success. J. Japan. Int. Econ., June 2000, 14(2), pp. 121–148. International Monetary Fund; University of California, Berkeley; and International Monetary Fund. Copyright 2000 Academic Press.Journal of Economic Literature Classification Numbers: F33, F36, F41, F42.     

Analysis of Brexit and its policy lessons for Asian integration

Galvanised by the devastation of the Second World War, European countries achieved a historically unprecedented and unparalleled level of regional economic integration in the post-war period. Intensive cooperation between the two biggest powers of continental Western Europe, France and Germany, lay at the core of Europe's seemingly relentless momentum towards integration, crystallised by the European Union (EU). The Franco-German alliance also provided strong eadership and sense of direction for the EU, which gained further traction with the admission of Central and Eastern European states after the fall of communism and the establishment of a monetary union among many of its members. However, more recently, the European integration process no longer seems unstoppable or inevitable. Most shockingly, the United Kingdom, a core EU member and the EU's third largest economy, has opted to leave the union, triggering the ‘Brexit’ process. Nor is Brexit the only sign of growing fractures within the EU. The current standoff between the EU and Italy over Italy's unwillingness to rein in its fiscal deficit is just one additional example of the loss of momentum. The central objective of the paper is to examine EU's past successes and current problems from the perspective of Asian countries, in particular ASEAN+3 countries that have achieved some measure of integration, although well below that of the EU. Both past successes and current problems hold valuable lessons for ASEAN+3 countries as they chart their own course towards regional integration. Given that the level of integration among ASEAN+3 is much lower than that of the EU, it would be unwise to draw lessons, positive or negative, without the proper context. Nevertheless, the European experience can provide valuable insights for Asia's integration process.     

“10+1”框架下的中国-东盟税收协调

经济全球化和区域一体化已经成为世界经济发展的主题,税收协调也成为解决区域经济发展的一道课题。随着我国和东盟自由贸易区的建立和发展,面对着商品、人员、资本的区域间交流的不断扩大,消除关税壁垒、减少其他税收障碍,使得成员国之间进行税收协调变得越来越重要。本文在分析区域发展和中国东盟自由贸易区的基本情况,对我国和东盟的税收协调提出一些设想。     

东亚的美元本位:影响和汇率协调及我国的对策

在以美元为主导的国际货币体系框架下,东亚地区事实上处于美元区内,没有自己的货币定价权。为了克服美元本位制度的弊端和对美元依赖造成的负面影响,东亚地区需要积极开展汇率协调或汇率合作,为本地区的经济发展营造良好稳定的宏观环境。我国应该积极参与东亚外汇储备库的建设,稳步推进人民币的区域化和国际化的步伐,以积极主动的姿态,参与东亚国家的汇率协调与合作。     

中日韩与东盟(10+3)税收协调研究

中日韩与东盟经济合作的现状决定了(10 3)国家间区域性税收协调的深度和广度。本文通过分析中日韩与东盟(10 3)区域税收国际协调现状、困难,提出了(10 3)税收国际协调应该遵循的原则,建议应建立中日韩与东盟(10 3)区域税收协调机制,以及消除货物、服务贸易中阻碍商品、人员自由流动、涉及投资所得等税收因素,以促进(10 3)国家间商品、资本、劳务、知识产权等的自由流动。     

日韩对东盟的FTA战略及我国的对策

近年来,东亚地区的区域经济一体化发展迅速,中国、日本、韩国和东盟分别制定了各自的战略来应对一体化带来的挑战。目前,东盟已分别同中国、日本和韩国签署了自由贸易协定。文章指出,面对日韩对东盟的FTA战略,我国应该从扩大彼此间贸易、鼓励企业走出去、做好贸易平衡、加强双边的资金和技术合作等方面来促进中国—东盟自由贸易区的发展。     

China, Asia, and the World Economy： The Implications of an Emerging Asian Core and Periphery

I. IntroductionThe effect of China’s rapid growth on other Asian economies is felt most directly through itsimpact on international trade and foreign investment. However, not only is the magnitude of this impact uncertain, even its direction is disputed. Some authors emphasize that China’s emergence as an economic power is applying intense competitive pressure to its neighbors. China’s immense reserves of cheap labor enable it to out-compete neighboring economies in the production of low-…     

Exchange-rate arrangements and financial integration in East Asia: on a collision course?

Financial integration in East Asia is actively being pursued and will in due course lead to substantial mobility of capital between economies in the region. Plans for monetary cooperation as a prelude to monetary integration and ultimately monetary unification are also proposed. These plans often suggest that central banks should adopt some form of common exchange rate policy in the transition period towards full monetary union. This paper argues that this is a dangerous path in the context of highly integrated financial markets. An alternative approach is proposed where independent central banks coordinate their monetary policies through the adoption of common objectives and by building an appropriate institutional framework. When this coordination process has progressed to the point where interest rate developments are similar across the region, and if in the meantime the required institutional infrastructure has been build, the next step towards monetary unification can be taken among those central banks that so desire. The claim is that this transition path is likely to be robust and will limit the risk of currency crises.     

东亚经济体汇率制度选择:基于博弈论视角的分析

东亚金融危机凸现了该地区汇率制度不匹配以及区域协调机制的缺失。本文运用博弈论分析法探讨东亚经济体汇率制度的最优选择,合作博弈与非合作博弈分析显示在短期,和共同钉住货币篮相比,各自独立钉住货币篮更能提高各国的福利。从长期来看,在各自钉住的基础上实现共同钉住货币篮,建立区域性汇率安排和协调机制是东亚各国汇率制度改革的方向。     

An empirical analysis of ASEAN's labor-intensive exports

This paper investigates the factors affecting the demand for ASEAN's labor-intensive exports. Results obtained using a panel data set including exports to 25 countries indicate that an appreciation in ASEAN countries would substantially reduce exports of clothing, furniture, and footwear. In addition, an increase in foreign income and an appreciation among competitors would raise ASEAN's exports. These results indicate that profit margins for labor-intensive manufactures are thin and that slow growth abroad will curtail ASEAN's exports. These findings imply that policymakers should seek to promote domestic and regional demand, expand the technological base, and consider exchange rate coordination to mitigate “beggar-thy-neighbor” policies.     

Toward regional financial and monetary cooperation in East Asia1

The financial and economic crisis in 1997–98 came as a dramatic shock to East Asian economies, and has prompted to institutionalize a regional financial and monetary cooperation. This paper demonstrates the strong will of East Asian countries to develop the regional financial and monetary cooperation, outlines recent developments, and provides possible prospects for the future. It points out that the option to keep consistent with the IMF system actually weakens regional solidarity, and recommends an immediate establishment of a strong regional surveillance and peer pressure mechanism for the Chiang Mai Initiative (CMI) to evolve into a common pool of foreign exchange reserves, a sort of East Asian IMF. It also argues that East Asian countries should closely coordinate their exchange rate regime to maintain intra‐regional and extra‐regional exchange rate stability.     

Economic integration in northeast Asia: Preconditions and possible trajectories

When in November 2001, the leaders of the Southeast Asian and Northeast Asian states met for the “ASEAN (Association of South East Asian Nations) plus three (China, Japan and Korea),” President Kim Dae‐Jung of South Korea proposed the exploration for an East Asian Free Trade Area (EAFTA) and thereby opened a new chapter of East Asian integration. The special Northeast Asian perspective on regional co‐operation became clear by the simultaneous decision to hold annual meetings of finance and trade ministers of China, Japan and Korea. At the same time, bilateral agreements, like a free trade area between Japan and Singapore, the tentative large free trade area between ASEAN and China and the work‐in‐progress on a Korean‐Japanese Free Trade Area, show the devotion and sometimes even obsession of current policy‐making with reaching regional trade agreements. Regional integration, it seems, is finally on the Northeast Asian agenda. In this paper, the preconditions and perspectives of economic integration in Northeast Asia will be explored. Since economic integration is in various ways linked to political factors, the second section discusses the geo‐political situation of Northeast Asia today. The third section deals with the economic perspectives of different forms of trade integration, followed by an analysis of various attempts for greater macro‐economic and financial co‐operation and a short conclusion.     

Exploring dimensions of regional economic integration in East Asia: More than the sum of its parts?

No single measure of real or financial integration sufficiently captures all of the salient characteristics of the extent of integration between individual economies and of economies within particular regional groups. This paper introduces the idea of utilising and combining the effects of a number of individual measures of integration and, in doing so, presents an assessment of the stylised facts around bilateral and regional real and financial integration for the ASEAN5 and the large industrial Asian countries for the period 2000–2009. By using many measures, one should be able to achieve two objectives. The first is to capture many of the main attributes of integration in order to further provide insight into the integration landscape in East Asia. The second is to investigate which individual (if any) measure drives the overall level of integration and, as such, address the question of what might be the possible sources of integration between countries in the region. This has significant policy implications about how to best target policies of liberalisation in both goods and financial markets as well as informing the ongoing debate about optimal currency areas (OCA) and a possible monetary union in Asia.     

中国-东盟自由贸易区前景分析

在世界区域经济一体化进程加速发展元中,中国—东盟自由贸易区(CAFTA)已进入了全面建设阶段。它必将给这一区域带来积极而深刻的变化,呈现出崭新、活跃、全面的合作格局。在中国与东盟相互开放市场之时,中国企业投资东盟国家应注意解决或防范有关问题。为促进CAFTA如期建成,本文建议:中国与东盟双方应力促《货物贸易协议》得以顺利执行;双方应加大合作力度,丰富合作内涵,拓宽合作领域,创新合作方式。中国与东盟在CAFTA建设的同时,应合力推动整个东亚地区的经济一体化。     

贸易摩擦背景下关税与货币政策反制策略研究

通过将贸易品美元定价约束、外汇噪声交易和关税反制等特征融入两国DSGE模型,文章对贸易摩擦背景下美国进口关税冲击的传导渠道以及中国的关税反制策略与货币应对政策有效性等问题进行了数值分析。研究发现,关税反制措施能够有效地对冲美国加征进口关税对中国实际产出、消费和净出口的消极影响,并有助于抑制人民币实际汇率贬值。若进一步搭配将出口品关税纳入利率调控框架的积极货币政策,对于经济扩张与保持汇率稳定都更加有效。但从长期社会福利角度看,积极货币政策对美国经济也具有明显的正向溢出作用,关税反制则会产生显著的福利转移效应,不采取任何关税与货币应对政策将使中国遭受最大的福利损失。因此,基于"打击最大化、自损最小化"原则,中国应对美国采取坚决有力的关税反击,同时保持货币政策相对中性、克制,以期实现"以战促和"的战略目标。     

东盟区域旅游一体化策略与效应分析

伴随着东盟区域经济一体化的加速,旅游业成为区域一体化的优先部门。本文从区域经济一体化的角度阐述东盟旅游部门一体化的历程,分析东盟推行的旅游政策、市场和行业的一体化策略,进而探讨区域旅游业的初步效应。     

Europe’s hard fix: the Euro area

One of the most important economic policy issues is the selection of exchange rate regime. The possible choices range from the hard peg to a freely floating nominal exchange rate. Since the early 1990s a move towards the two corners of the exchange rate regime spectrum has been observed, especially in Europe with the creation of EMU. The move towards the corners is discussed from the perspective of Mundell’s “impossible trinity” which states that among the three desirable objectives (1) stabilisation of the exchange rate, (2) free international capital mobility, and (3) an effective monetary policy oriented towards domestic goals, only two can be mutually consistent. Issues related to economic integration and EMU are reviewed, focusing on the famous question: Does one size fit all? Since monetary union raises some interesting issues of political nature, not present in other exchange rate arrangements, the paper ends with a discussion about some political aspects of monetary union.