GATT/WTO与管理贸易

现实中的国际贸易不是自由贸易，国际贸易体制中一直都是自由贸易和贸易保护同时并存，以1GATT／WTO也不是自由贸易组织。管理贸易是指介于纯粹自由贸易和完全贸易保护之间的各种情形，其特点是规则导向、有较大兼容性以及可塑性。管理贸易的发展可以有两个完全相反的方向，而GATT／WTO倡导的贸易自由化实质上是在自由贸易和贸易保护两种成分并存的国际贸易体制中抑制贸易保护、提高贸易自由的程度。     

国际农产品贸易自由化的利益研究

在WTO农业协议约束之下实现全球范围内的农产品贸易自由化,会给绝大多数国家带来不同程度的贸易利益,这些利益包括政治利益和经济利益。经济利益又包括静态比较利益和动态比较利益。一个参与贸易的国家或地区集团如何能够从农产品贸易自由化中获得利益,发达国家和发展中国家各自获取利益的途径及利益的大小,是WTO各成员国在乌拉圭回合谈判中矛盾的焦点,也是新一轮WTO谈判中矛盾和争执的焦点。     

浅谈WTO机制与世界农产品贸易保护

一、自由贸易体制下的农产品贸易保护世界贸易组织(WTO)及之前的关贸总协定(GATT)对初级产品确立了一些例外规定,大多数农产品均被认定为初级产品,农产品贸易实际上一直没有被有效地纳入自由贸易体制中。因此,作为国际贸易自由化规则的例外,尽管农业部门的保护措施极     

如何把握环境问题纳入贸易体系——浅析WTO在环境规则上的改革方案

GATT／WTO成立50多年来，一直致力于推动贸易自由化，以让各缔约方能从中获取贸易收益。而GATT／WTO在这方面的成绩亦有目共睹－经过多轮艰苦的谈判，一个开放的贸易体系逐渐形成，贸易保护主义亦有所收敛。但是，在众多问题得到解决的同时，GATT／WTO也不断面临新的挑战。这些新问题往往会涉及到贸易以外的领域，贸易与环境问题便是一个很可能会成为未来谈判重点的问题。如何使贸易与环境相互协调，在保护环境的同时又不对自由贸易造成太大限制，以达到可持续发展的目标，这就成为了摆在我们面益的一个重大的课题。     

略漫漫其修远从WTO新一轮农业谈判看农产品贸易自由化进程

在GATT／WTO规则框架下，农业一直是非常特殊的部门。乌拉圭回合谈判之前，农产品贸易一直游离于多边贸易规则之外，是货物贸易中最大的例外部门。经过艰苦的谈判，乌拉圭回合达成了以市场准入、国内支持和出口竞争这三大支柱为核心的WTO《农业协定》，使农产品贸易回归多边规则。《农业协定》是WTO协定中最为复杂的协定之一。农业涉及众多议题，细分不下30个。更由于农业问题在各国的政治敏感性，在多边贸易谈判中，农业一直是最为敏感、最为艰难的部门。     

WTO规则体系对发展中国家的权利义务安排

GATT—WTO体制下,各成员国为了各自的经济利益在贸易及其与贸易有关的领域进行了深入的谈判,以期在世界贸易福利中分得一块蛋糕。显而易见,发达国家和发展中国家在众多领域的利益是截然对立的,它们之间的矛盾应该可以归结为GATT—WTO体制和经济全球化这一复杂事物的主要矛盾。本文试图通过WTO规则体系对发展中国家的特殊安排和实施现状的简要分析,考察以规则为基础的WTO是否走向公平以及发展中国家在将来谈判中的挑战和策略。     

WTO框架下我国贸易救济体系的完善

WTO制定贸易救济规则的目的在于维护国际贸易公平和正常的国际竞争秩序。反倾销、反补贴和保障措施,这三大贸易救济措施是在国际贸易自由化的同时,各国用来保护自己的一个合法工具,它具有名义上的合法性。中国入世后过渡期的当务之急是要遵循和利用WTO规则来完善和加强我国的贸易救济体系以应对国外产品对我国企业和产品的竞争冲击。而当前中国的贸易救济制度还存在着一些不足与缺陷,所以要借鉴世贸组织的贸易救济规则主要是从法律体系、组织体系、信息咨询服务体系三方面来不断地加强和完善中国的贸易救济制度。     

浅析 WTO 规则对农产品贸易的规制和不足

目前，世界各国政府都对农产品贸易高度干预，农产品贸易成为贸易体制中较为复杂和争议性的领域，农业问题在多边贸易谈判中具有较高敏感性。通过梳理 WTO 规则中 GATT 和《农业协议》对农产品贸易的规制，分析 WTO 农业贸易规则中市场准入方面的不平衡，国内支持上的不平衡，出口补贴的不平衡。结果显示，目前的 WTO 关于农产品贸易的规制将削弱发展中国家的农业保护力度，威胁到其粮食安全。WTO 建立的农业贸易体系，本质上偏向发达国家，发展中国家农产品贸易仍旧处于劣势。     

WTO成员在金融危机中实施的“二反一保”和“中国特保”措施

2008年下半年以来,由于全球金融危机引发的经济衰退使全球贸易保护主义抬头。WTO成员在国际贸易萎缩的背景下纷纷采用贸易救济措施,导致反倾销、反补贴和保障措施的数量激增。WTO成员还针对中国频繁使用了特保措施。总体而言,与上世纪30年代经济大萧条比较,当前的贸易保护主义是低度的。WTO的法律框架也为贸易保护提供了依据,实施贸易保护措施是贸易自由化进程中的必要补充。但国际贸易的主流依然是贸易自由化。贸易自由化与经济增长之间的正相关系一直被经济学所证明。     

后WTO时代的贸易保护趋向及对第

在后WTO时代，世界经济的发展发生了许多变化，各国纷纷采取更加新型、更加隐蔽的保护方式维护本国的利益，各国贸易保护的方式和目的更加多样化。加入WTO以后，我国贸易地位和贸易实力大大增强，国际经济环境和贸易规则的约束进一步扩大，从而对贸易保护思想提出了更高、更规范的新要求。我国应当运用战略性贸易政策对某些产业进行适度的保护和支持。     

Do WTO members have more liberal trade policy?

This paper uses 68 measures of trade policy and liberalization to ask if membership in the World Trade Organization (WTO) and its predecessor the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) is associated with more liberal trade policy. Almost no measures of trade policy are significantly correlated with GATT/WTO membership. Trade liberalizations, when they occur, usually lag GATT entry by many years, and the GATT/WTO often admits countries that are closed and remain closed for years. The exception to the rule is that WTO members tend to have slightly more freedom as judged by the Heritage Foundation's index.     

The Role of GATT/WTO as a Commitment Device in the Presence of a Time Lag: Free Trade,Time‐consistent Tariff Policy and Market Size

We consider whether a free trade policy is superior to tariff policies in the presence of a time lag between production and trade decisions. We show that the preferable choice between a free trade policy and a time‐consistent tariff policy depends on the market size of the importing country. However, because a free trade policy itself is not necessarily credible in the presence of a time lag, the importing country requires an international organisation such as GATT/WTO as a commitment device. Accordingly, employing a non‐cooperative game approach, we analyse under what conditions becoming a member of such an international organisation is a subgame perfect Nash equilibrium and show that free trade under the GATT/WTO regime is Pareto improving for the importing and exporting countries.     

The value of making commitments externally: Evidence from WTO accessions

This paper studies the value of external commitment to policy reforms in the case of WTO/GATT accessions. The accessions often entail reforms that go beyond narrowly defined trade liberalization, and have to overcome fierce resistance in the acceding countries, as reflected in protracted negotiations. We study the growth and investment consequences of WTO/GATT accessions, with attention to a possible selection bias. We find that the accessions tend to raise income, but only for those countries that were subject to rigorous accession procedures. Policy commitments associated with the accessions were helpful, especially for countries with poor governance.     

The WTO promotes trade, strongly but unevenly

This paper furnishes robust evidence that the WTO has had a strong positive impact on trade, amounting to about 120% of additional world trade (or US$ 8 trillion in 2000 alone). The impact has, however, been uneven. This, in many ways, is consistent with theoretical models of the GATT/WTO. The theory suggests that the impact of a country's membership in the GATT/WTO depends on what the country does with its membership, with whom it negotiates, and which products the negotiation covers. Using a properly specified gravity model, we find evidence broadly consistent with these predictions. First, industrial countries that participated more actively than developing countries in reciprocal trade negotiations witnessed a large increase in trade. Second, bilateral trade was greater when both partners undertook liberalization than when only one partner did. Third, sectors that did not witness liberalization did not see an increase in trade.     

《关贸总协定》第24条的再解读--规则、案例和展望

《关贸总协定》第24条所规定的区域贸易安排是世贸组织框架下最惠国待遇的例外。区域贸易安排一方面有贸易促进的积极作用,另一方面又因其集团间歧视的特征,一旦被滥用,就会侵蚀世贸组织的非歧视原则,背离关贸总协定/世贸组织实现全球贸易自由化和一体化的目标。《关贸总协定》第24条、乌拉圭回合的《谅解》以及土耳其案的专家组、上诉机构的论述都显示了世贸组织对区域贸易安排越来越多的关注,但现有的制度仍有一些不足,文章从对规则的分析入手,从区域贸易安排与世贸组织的关系定位、争端解决机制、区域贸易协定审查委员会的审查等方面对世贸组织框架下区域贸易安排的完善提出若干建议。     

日本与WTO争端解决机制

在GATT时代,日本在争端解决机制中比较被动,败诉相对较多。到了WTO时代,日本开始积极参与WTO争端解决机制,积极运用这一机制维护日本的国际贸易利益,并取得了较大的成功,出现了胜多败少的局面。日本这一变化的内在动力来自日本以入世为契机成功实现了贸易政策从以往的保护主义向自由贸易转换,可以在WTO争端解决机制舞台上以自由贸易的形象示人,并为此进行了WTO争端解决机构上诉机构大法官的人事布局,一直保持了日本人的上诉机构大法官的席位。日本的这一成果可以为我国所借鉴。     

WTO体制下美国贸易调整援助制度合法性探析

为了应对贸易自由化引致的产业损害或结构调整,美国建立了工人和企业TAA项目,旨在促进对进口竞争的积极调整。GATT/WTO体制无法处理结构调整与贸易政策之间的关系,所以没有专门制定旨在应对结构调整的TAA或产业调整援助规则。从《SCM协定》和《农业协定》角度,分别对工人、企业与农民TAA项目援助措施的合法性进行了整体论证,认为这三个TAA项目基本上是合法的并且可行的。     

GATT第24条关于关税同盟和自由贸易区的实体内部标准研究

GATT/WTO多边贸易体制关于关税同盟和自由贸易区的纪律规定于GATT第24条。然而,在GATT缔约之日起,直至如今,GATT第24条一直是人们苦恼和迷惑之源。人们认为,由于充满"模糊"和"含糊其词的用语",该条的规定"极端宽松"、"异乎寻常地复杂"、"充满漏洞";有人甚至批评说该条是"荒谬的"和"自相矛盾的"。GATT第24条诸款中,引起争议最大的莫过于该条的第8款,该款规定了关税同盟和自由贸易区内部深度区域自由化的义务,本文称之为实体内部标准。本文首先探讨了GATT第24条关于区域贸易安排法律制度的逻辑框架和实体纪律。重点就"深度区域自由化的义务"(内部标准)尽可能全面地加以评释。     

The Evolution of Japan's Aggressive Legalism

Japan's recent trade policy is sometimes characterised as ‘aggressive legalism’ in the sense that it aggressively utilises the multilateral trade rules embodied in the Marrakesh Agreement Establishing the World Trade Organisation in dealing with disputes with its trade partners. This policy may appear to be a marked departure from Japan's past practice of favouring bilateral, non‐legal settlement of trade disputes. Upon closer examination, however, while Japan has been moderately active in using the WTO dispute settlement process for resolving its trade disputes, it behaves more like a country that resorts to surgical strikes on selected targets (usually the United States) under a powerful cover of the European Community. Compared to Japan, Korea's attitude in the WTO is more aggressive. While the Japanese Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry (METI) is not content with the status quo and is seeking to expand its aggressiveness in the WTO dispute settlement mechanism, it faces an uphill battle. One of the difficulties facing trade officials in Japan may be the lack of a national system for lodging WTO complaints, open to any citizens or firms, like Section 301 of the US Trade Act of 1974 or the European Trade Barriers Regulation. Nonetheless, in the historical context, Japan is far more aggressive than in the past in utilising the rules of the GATT/WTO to advance its national interests. It will never revert to the infamous practice of bilateralism and grey area measures.