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1.
David Colby 《The Review of Black Political Economy》1982,11(4):465-476
Conclusions The three strategies for the black movement are centered on black individual development resources, black capitalist resources,
and political violence. The conflicts between the theorists of each strategy have been major. This study indicates that although
black individual development, black capitalist, and black violence strategies are ideologically opposed, each one, nevertheless,
has an influence on welfare policy. Black individual and violence resources influence Aid to Families with Dependent Children
payments; black capitalist and violence resources influence the number of Aid to Families with Dependent Children recipients.
These results suggest that there are a variety of means to social change even though there are ideological disputes about
the values of each approach. 相似文献
2.
Joseph Persky 《The Review of Black Political Economy》1989,17(4):27-44
From early in the nineteenth century Southern whites often analyzed the ills of the South as originating in the region’s colonial relation to the North. A survey of black economic thought, academic, journalistic and political, suggests that this notion was never strongly endorsed by black intellectuals. The outstanding exceptions were works by black sociologists collaborating with white colleagues in the 1930s. For the most part, however, black writers subscribed to a view that emphasized the dependent nature, not of the South, but of the economy of the black community in its relations with the South. 相似文献
3.
John A. Cole Alfred L. Edwards Earl G. Hamilton Lucy J. Reuben 《The Review of Black Political Economy》1985,14(1):29-50
The analysis of the role of black banks in black economic development began in the early 1970s. At that time the focus was
on the profitability of these institutions. Since then both the number of black banks and the research on their performance
have increased significantly. This article reviews the recent literature on black banks in order to provide a conceptual framework
for policies that will promote their growth and prosperity. The authors conclude that there is a clear need for future research
in every area relating to black banks. 相似文献
4.
Julianne Malveaux 《The Review of Black Political Economy》1985,14(2-3):47-62
Comparable worth is a subset of affirmative action strategies that deal with all of the terms and conditions of employment
including hiring, recruitment, promotion, transfer, and wages. This article describes the comparable worth strategy and its
potential impact on black women, black men, and the black community. By viewing the representation of black women in municipal
clerical jobs, the author concludes that black women will gain from comparable worth. Because black men are overrepresented
in ℝdtypically female” jobs, it is further concluded that black males will gain from implementation of comparable worth. Finally,
because comparable worth will examine the basis for pay scales, the author concludes that both gender and racial bias may
be revealed when job evaluations are examined. This article also views limitations to the comparable worth strategy and distributional
concerns of comparable worth. 相似文献
5.
Harriett Harper 《The Review of Black Political Economy》1985,14(2-3):115-129
Available data show that JTPA has provided some economically disadvantaged black women with employment and training services.
Many black women who had suffered employment setbacks or entry problems during the recession that ended in 1982 need assistance
in gaining access to the labor market. This is particularly true of young black women. At the same time, it is not clear from
available evidence whether single black women who are supporting families alone and who are considered the core group of impoverishment
in the black community have been-or, under the present configuration, can be-served adequately by JTPA. 相似文献
6.
This study examines differences in returns to literacy skills on earnings of black and white men and women. Literacy skill is a composite measure of three scales: reading comprehension, document literacy (the ability to locate and use information in, say, tables and graphs), and mathematics proficiency. Using data from the National Adult Literacy Survey (NALS), we estimate earnings determination models separately for each racial/gender group. Our findings show that the effect of literacy on earnings varies by race and gender. Literacy skills favorably rewarded black men relative to black women and white men and women, net of education and other relevant variables. More importantly, literacy completely explained the effect of a high school diploma and some college on earnings of black men. We conclude that the economic importance of literacy skills is particularly salient for less-educated black men. 相似文献
7.
Don Mar 《The Review of Black Political Economy》1992,21(1):33-44
Utilizing recent developments in the literature on vacancies and unemployment, the effects of changes in the vacancy to unemployment
ratio on black and white wage earnings are examined. The primary result argues that black women’s wage earnings are less sensitive
to changes in the national vacancy to unemployment ratios than white earnings. Another way of interpreting this result is
that black women are not experiencing wage gains when new jobs are created. This finding suggests that black women may not
experience increases in earnings if the vacancy to unemployment ratio increases in the future. 相似文献
8.
Robert S. Browne 《The Review of Black Political Economy》1993,21(3):9-23
The Review of Black Political Economy (RBPE) and the Black Economic Research Center (BERC) arose from the atmosphere of the
late sixties, when black nationalism was at its apex and vigorous efforts were under way to give meaning to the concepts of
“black economic development” and “black capitalism.” They were created as vehicles to assist black economists and economic
activists to analyze and disseminate relevant data on black economic affairs and to explore and facilitate new approaches
to black economic problems.RBPE offered black economists a place where they could publish their work and share it with their colleagues. The flavor ofRBPE has changed somewhat over its twenty-three year life, becoming less polemical and more scholarly. 相似文献
9.
Deniz Gevrek 《The Review of Black Political Economy》2014,41(1):25-60
The United States Supreme Court decision in the case of Loving v. Virginia in 1967, which forced 16 Southern states to strike down their anti-miscegenation laws, creates a unique opportunity to explore the impact of an exogenous change in a state’s laws regulating interracial marriages. This study investigates the relationship between anti-miscegenation laws, black/white interracial marriage and black Americans’ geographical distribution using three decades of the U.S. census data. The results suggest that the timing and voluntary/involuntary repeal of statutes banning black/white interracial marriages impacted the locational distribution of married black males. The relationship is less clear-cut for black females. However, length of exposure to anti-miscegenation laws is found to be related to the geographical sorting patterns of both black males and females. A few patterns in the data suggest that social norms and local culture may be influential in this relationship and the findings imply that unless a society is ready to change, the government cannot fully offset the negative impact of past bans and punishments. 相似文献
10.
Julianne Malveaux 《The Review of Black Political Economy》1985,14(1):5-27
Are the economic interests of black and white women similar? This article explores this question by reviewing data on the “feminization of poverty,” data on changes in the economic status of blacks, and differences in the occupational status of black and white women. The article reviews several policy questions, discusses ways in which the interests of black and white women differ in the policy arena, and concludes that although there are some similarities in the interests of black and white women, the racial interests of black women suggest that the interests of black and white women may frequently differ. 相似文献
11.
Linda Datcher 《The Review of Black Political Economy》1980,10(4):391-394
Summary The primary purpose of this paper was to determine the effect of background on the education and earnings of black and white
men.It was largely motivated by a desire to quantify the extent to which past discrimination against Blacks, resulting in
lower achievement, inhibits the progress of individuals today in a somewhat more benign environment.It has demonstrated that
both community and family background factors are important in determining the levels of education and earnings of black and
white men.The community effects for Blacks operate largely through their moving into more integrated neighborhoods, so that
many positive community externalities are apparently not available to families in predominantly black middle-class neighborhoods.While
the effects of father’s education, city origin, and community income are comparable between Blacks and whites, white men’s
education is more affected by number of siblings, family income, and age of 1968 head of household than is black men’s education.The
relative sizes of the coefficients of these latter variables are consistent with steeper age-earnings profiles for older white
men than older black men and higher prices paid for investing in children by black parents. 相似文献
12.
Mona J. Gardner 《The Review of Black Political Economy》1982,12(1):91-101
Summary This research has explored management and financial characteristics within mature black banks over the period of 1978–81.
In general, although loan loss management remains a key variable in successful financial performance, other variables often
argued to explain profitability differences between black and nonminority banks were not so helpful in explaining profit variation
among black banks. It appears that a new model of successful black banking must be developed. 相似文献
13.
Barbara A. P. Jones 《The Review of Black Political Economy》1985,14(2-3):11-31
The labor force participation rate of black women has not increased as fast as that of white women in spite of the fact that
black females have the characteristics economists have found most encourage participation. Also black women at all socioeconomic
levels have more positive attitudes towards labor market activity. The explanation for the failure for their work rates to
grow as fast as those of white women appears to be inadequate employment opportunities for black women from lower socioeconomic
groups. Education in or of itself, however, is not the solution to the problem because education yields lower returns to black
women with limited schooling than is true for comparable whites. Any strategy devised to solve these employment inequities
must address the low relative demand for these workers. 相似文献
14.
Tod G. Hamilton 《The Review of Black Political Economy》2012,39(4):445-460
Utilizing data on U.S.-born and Caribbean-born black women from the 1980–2000 U.S. Censuses and the 2000–2007 waves of the American Community Survey, I document the impact of cohort of arrival, tenure of U.S. residence, and country/region of birth on the earnings and earnings assimilation of black women born in the English-, French-, and Spanish-speaking Caribbean. I also test whether selective migration accounts for earnings differences between U.S.-born and Caribbean-born black women in the United States. I show that almost all arrival cohorts of Caribbean women earn less than U.S.-born black women when they first arrive in the United States. However, over time the earnings of early arrival cohorts from the English- and French-speaking Caribbean are projected to surpass the earnings of U.S.-born black women. Indeed, this crossover is most pronounced for women from the English-speaking Caribbean. In models that account for selective migration by comparing the earnings of Caribbean women to U.S.-born black women who have moved across states since birth, I show that more time is required for early arrival cohorts from the English- and French-speaking Caribbean to surpass the earnings of U.S.-born black internal migrants. Women from the Spanish-speaking Caribbean do not seem to experience earnings growth as their tenure of U.S. residence increases. In summary, the findings suggest that selective migration is an important determinant of earnings differences between U.S.-born black women and black women from the Caribbean. 相似文献
15.
Bradley T. Ewing 《The Review of Black Political Economy》1995,24(1):65-78
This article examines the effects of high school athletic participation on the future wages of black males. Our evidence suggests that former black male athletes receive significantly greater wages than their otherwise comparable counterparts. Data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth was used for the analysis and allows for comparisons of the athlete premium to be made at different points in time. Both the human capital and signaling models are discussed. There appears to be a once and for all enhancement to human capital that accrues to black males who participated in high school athletics. The article adds to the literature on determinants of black male wages and on the earnings effects of athletic participation. 相似文献
16.
对比《最蓝的眼睛》中两个同为黑人社区贫穷家庭中的小女孩佩科拉与克劳迪亚截然不同的命运,从个人、家庭、社会三个角度分析造成两人完全不同命运的主要原因,可以看出莫里森的写作目的在于,向在文化冲突下的心灵扭曲的黑人群体指明找回自我的方向:正视黑人自己的文化与身份,重构完整的自我才是生存的必由之路。 相似文献
17.
Augustin Kwasi Fosu 《The Review of Black Political Economy》1993,21(4):68-82
Employing 1960 and 1981 census data at the three-digit level, the study finds that black and white women were employed at
different jobs in the predominantly female clerical and service occupations in both 1960 and 1981. However, there appears
to be a slight reduction in black female job dissimilarity with white females between 1960 and 1981 in both occupations. Moreover,
while employment of black women, relative to white women, in 1960 was observed to be generally skewed toward the low-paying,
low-status jobs in clerical and service occupations, there was little evidence of this trend by 1981. The present results,
then, complement previous findings at the more aggregative two-digit level of black female occupational advancement since
the mid-1960s. 相似文献
18.
Customer discrimination may result in racial differences in the marginal revenue products generated by workers. College basketball
data allow for direct comparisons of the racial differences in the marginal revenues generated by players. This article compares
the revenue generating potential of the top black and white college basketball players. A highly skilled white college player
generates over $100,000 in per game revenues as compared to around $30,000 for a black player of equal talent, providing a
strong incentive for colleges to discriminate against recruiting black student-athletes. 相似文献
19.
As municipal zoning is political in nature, the equality of zoning protection provided among black and white neighborhoods
should be expected to be sensitive to changes in relative political power over time. This article examines the rejection rates
for rezoning applications over time in predominantly white and predominantly black census tracts in Atlanta, Georgia. It identifies
inequality of treatment as between heavily white and heavily black tracts during a period of no black representation among
elected city officials and equality of treatment during a later period when blacks were substantially represented in government. 相似文献
20.
James Jennings 《The Review of Black Political Economy》1982,12(1):47-63
Conclusion We found that there are indeed some slight differences in the electoral behavior of black voters when we separate them into
high and low socio-economic areal categories based on the level of median income. These slight differences include turnout
rates for primary and general elections and voter registration rates. The higher the socioeconomic status of the black electorate
in Boston, the higher the turnout and registration rates for that area tended to be; however, this relationship was not found
to be consistent among all the areas selected for study. Despite these differences in electoral behavior or “practices,” our
areal model does not suggest any significant political schisms based on the sicioeconomic indicators used. Black voters tended
to vote the same way on a number of city and state ballot questions, support the same candidates at both the city and state
level, and vote the liberal preference on both issues and candidates regardless of socioeconomic background. In addition,
there is some evidence that the higher a black voter is on the socioeconomic scale, the greater his or her tendency will be
to vote the liberal position on various issues and candidates. Our model also suggests that black voters will tend to support
black candidates regardless of some socioeconomic factors. If this model can be used as an indication of class differences
in the black community, then our data show that socioeconomic criteria are not as salient as race in determining the political
behavior and preferences of black voters. 相似文献