Max Weber as an Economist and as a Sociologist

A bstract In this article I first give a picture of Weber as an economist, mainly by focussing on a text which he distributed to his students when he taught economics in the 1890s. From this text it is, for example, clear that Weber was positive to the use of marginal utility theory in theoretical economics, but also felt that this approach was insufficient, by itself, to analyze empirical phenomena. I then outline Weber's work in economic sociology, relying primarily on Economy and Society and its central Chapter 2 ("Sociological Categories of Economic Action"). The differences between the approaches of economic theory and economic sociology, as seen by Weber, are summarized, and an account is given of some of Weber's most suggestive concepts in economic sociology. In the concluding section the question is raised as to when the analyst, according to Weber, should use economic sociology rather than economic theory, and vice versa. Weber's ideas about a broad economic science–what he termed Sozialökonomik or social economics–are also presented.     

Schumpeter's Challenge to Economists: History,Theory, and Statistics as Key Competencies and Sociology as a Vision for the Future

Schumpeter wrote that a “scientific” economist is competent in three “techniques”: economic theory, economic history, and statistics. In addition, he mentions economic sociology. The current interpretation is that theory, history, and statistics refer to aspects of research that can emerge in any field of science. Their content and relations can be clarified with Mach's writings. Economic sociology is not a technique within economics, but a part of general sociology. The rationale of economic and general sociology becomes clear by considering Schumpeter's interpretations of Marx's ideas. Schumpeter's ultimate ambition may have been a grand theory following Marx's vision.     

Emily Greene Balch,Political Economist

The first female economist to win a Nobel Prize was Emily Greene Balch, who shared the Nobel Peace Prize in 1946 for the same anti‐war activism for which she lost her Wellesley professorship of economics and sociology in 1918. Balch, an outspoken pacifist, social reformer, and defender of ethnically‐diverse immigration, has largely been forgotten in the history of economic thought and of sociology. Her contributions and her remarkable career warrant attention.     

Uncertainty and Economic Sociology:

A BSTRACT . The paper discusses the role of uncertainty in economic sociology, aiming to clarify some controversial issues in the related literature. Initially, some conceptual remarks are made about the relation between economic sociology, neoclassical economics, and rational choice theory. Next, in light of the existing literature on uncertainty and economic sociology, we distinguish between complexity and different types of uncertainty. We also identify different versions of the maximization hypothesis and examine their relations to the different types of uncertainty. Then we defend a concept of fundamental uncertainty that emphasizes the role of institutions. A theory that combines fundamental uncertainty and institutions should emphasize not only the existence of behavior in accordance with institutions, but also the possibility of creative, bold, unconventional behavior, discussed next, as people may use the knowledge provided by institutions to go against the tide. Finally, we suggest that the primary distinction should be that between approaches to economic issues, not between disciplines.     

Crossing the Boundary of Economics and Sociology: The Case of Vilfredo Pareto

The aim of the paper is to present the economic sociology of Vilfredo Pareto. We argue that Pareto represents a mode of thinking that has not been used in economic sociology and barely considered in the other branches of sociology. We reject the habitual bifurcation of Pareto into "the economist" and "the sociologist." Pareto stresses the non-logical parts of human life, and he provides empirical examples of this in his writing. He was occupied with the dynamics in society as a result mainly of non-logical actions. We show how one may speak of a distinctly Paretian economic sociology, which primarily has its origin in his theoretical discussions. We also show that Pareto conducted empirical studies drawing from his version of economic sociology. Included is finally a presentation, as well as a discussion of Pareto's idea of rentiers and speculators, which is followed up by a more general discussion of economic types in the market.     

Franz Oppenheimer's (1864–1943) Social Economic Approach to Health

The idea of scholarly synthesis was central to the founders of the American Journal of Economics and Sociology. Franz Oppenheimer (1864–1943) in fact impersonated the idea of scholarly synthesis. Being the son of a Reformist rabbi—these religious roots provided the impulse for his work—he started out as a physician in the industrial suburbs of Berlin; his diagnosis was that he faced social and not medical disease, which consequently brought him to the study of economics. But unlike many mainstream economists today, he insisted on the necessary cooperation between economists and sociologists, ideally in one person. His chair in Frankfurt, showing his own handwriting, was denominated for economic theory and sociology. In this article, I show his contributions with respect to economic aspects of health. These are not well known. Part of the reason is that the field of health economics as it is taught now is very narrow. Therefore, Oppenheimer's health economic contributions tend to be overlooked.     

Protection or Free Trade: An Analysis of the Ideas of Henry George on International Commerce and Wages

Abstract . Henry George, the 19th century American economist and social philosopher, abandoned protectionism and became a free trader when he engaged in the great tariff debate of the last quarter of his century. In the controversy, a true follower of Adam Smith, he anticipated neoclassical positions on the tariff question, particularly the Stolper-Samuelson theory which predicts that free trade will increase the prices of the abundant factors of production relative to the prices of the scarce factors. George's concern in the great debate was labor; he was convinced that only certain interests representing capital or resource ownership would benefit from protection at the cost of labor and the enterprises in fields with more abundant resources. But the free trade effort failed and in 1894 the Wilson-Gorman tariff increased the exactions to the highest level yet. The protectionist tide, only slowed by the Woodrow Wilson Administration, was not reversed until after World War II.     

Interpenetration Versus Embeddedness

A bstract .   The economy and economics are important fields in Talcott Parsons's work. Parsons's contributions on this subject were, however, mostly critically received in the new economic sociology. In this article, main points of criticism of Parsons's economic sociology will be discussed and the question asked whether the importance of Parsons's works in economic sociology was adequately treated. It will be demonstrated that the critical assessments was based for the most part on theoretical conceptions Parsons developed during his structural-functionalist period. Hence the assessments neglected to discuss the theory of expressive-symbolic communication of affect that Parsons developed in his later systems-functionalist period. However, precisely these later theoretical developments correlate directly with the concept of social embeddedness as a key concept in the new economic sociology. A stronger linking with this development in Parsons's theory could bring economic sociology closer to finding a foundation in action theory, which has been missing up to the present.     

Henry George and Europe

A bstract . The progressive democratic social philosophy of a 19th century American economist, Henrys George , has had a far-reaching effect on some European intellectual and political leaders. Not all adopted his practical proposal, the single land value tax as a substitute for other taxes. But the British Liberal party , a section of the British Labor party and Danish smallholders did. George's ideas were absorbed into the long standing European land reform tradition and he became the initiator and theoretical founder of the modern movement there, as Heinrich Erman , the German legal scholar, held. It is a mistake to say that the French Physiocrats anticipated George; their produit net was a tax on output, not highest potential use and was aimed to achieve stability , not development. Europeans see George and Georgism the same as Americans but in a different context, that of Natural rights.     

An Interview with Chris Skinner

Chris Skinner was born in London on 12 March 1953. He completed a BA in mathematics in 1975 at the University of Cambridge. He then obtained an MSc degree in statistics from the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) in 1976 and worked as an assistant statistician in the Central Statistical Office for 1 year. After working as a research assistant in LSE from 1977 to 1978, he joined the University of Southampton as a lecturer in 1978, where he earned a PhD in social statistics in 1982. He remained at the University of Southampton, where he became a senior lecturer in 1989 and professor of statistics in 1994. While serving as the head of his department from 1997 to 2000, he played a crucial role in the creation of an MSc programme in official statistics in 1999. In 2011, he returned to the LSE, where he currently holds the position of professor of statistics. Chris is the author of over 80 peer‐reviewed articles in statistical journals and the co‐editor of two influential books on the analysis of survey data. He made significant research contributions covering areas that include the analysis of survey data, inference in the presence of non‐response and measurement errors and statistical disclosure control. He served on several advisory committees, including the Statistical Methods Advisory Committee at Statistics Canada (from 2000 to 2011) and the National Statistics Methodology Advisory Committee in the United Kingdom (from 2001 to 2010). He has received numerous awards and honors for his outstanding contributions to survey sampling and social statistics. He is a Fellow of the American Statistical Association, Fellow of the British Academy and a Fellow of the Academy of Social Sciences. In 2009, he received the West Medal from the Royal Statistical Society for contributions to social statistics, and in 2010, he was made a Commander of the Most Excellent Order of the British Empire. In 2019, he also received the Waksberg award to recognize his contributions to survey methodology. The following conversation took place at LSE on 21 May 2019.     

Solving the “Lachmann Problem”: Orientation,Individualism, and the Causal Explanation of Socioeconomic Order

This article examines the question of whether social institutions should be treated as possessing the sui generis causal power to influence people's actions. It does so by means of a case study of the work of the Austrian economist Ludwig Lachmann. Lachmann's account of how social institutions facilitate intentional human agency in the face of uncertainty contains significant ambiguities and tensions, stemming from his reluctance to acknowledge the causal efficacy of social institutions. The conceptual resources required to overcome these problems are to be found in realist social philosophy and social theory. The proposed resolution comes at a price, however, for it calls into question Lachmann's self‐avowed commitment to methodological individualism.     

Economics, Sociology, and the "Professional Complex"

A bstract .   This article discusses the relationship between economics and sociology in the context of Parsons's analytical theory of action and systems and his criticisms of orthodox and institutional economics. The article also addresses his view of the importance of the professions to an understanding of the nature of advanced capitalism. The professions are discussed as both an illustration of his theoretical argument and a substantive problem that stimulated the development of his theory. The "professional complex" is an emergent phenomenon in capitalism that modifies its operation and points to the complexity of systems of social action that require to be analyzed without being reduced to one of their elements. This reductionism is evident in orthodox economic theory and also in the more sociologically-oriented approach of institutional economics. Parsons argues that each is a form of what, following Whitehead, he calls the "fallacy of misplaced concreteness." Although Parsons offers a significant critique of dominant approaches in economics, major flaws within his own theory create the appearance that he has simply carried over the deficiencies of orthodox theory into his own general statement of theory. These flaws contribute to major misunderstandings of Parsons's project and, therefore, indicate continuing problems in the relation between economics and sociology.     

Social Networks and Economic Sociology

A bstract The social network metaphor is widely used by sociologists to study socioeconomic behavior and processes The use of social networks generally takes place within the ranks of sociology However, a more complete social science would result by combining work being done on social networks within sociology with mainline economic theory The insights from such a research agenda will help us better understand socioeconomic behavior With this in mind, the main objective of this paper is to demonstrate the utility of the network metaphor to economists This objective will be accomplished through developing four basic components of social networks, and using them to navigate through the existing literature in economic sociology Furthermore, topics for future research in which social networks can provide contributions to the explanation of socioeconomic behavior are explored as well     

Henry George's Labor Theory of Value: He Saw the Entrepreneurs and Workers as Employers of Capital and Land, and Not the Reverse

A bstract . Henry George , the 19th century American economist and social philosopher , saw the problem of protecting the working peoples' wages and Jobs one of distributive justice. He attacked as fallacious the idea that equality of opportunity to work was a "privilege" accorded to labor. The protectionist system , he held, was based on the antidemocratic notion that "the many are called to serve and the few to rule." The paternalism of protection, whether in the domestic or the world economy , is "the pretense of tyranny," he argued. He holds that labor, including workers and entrepreneurs, and not landholders, or owners of capital, is the source of all economic value. Labor, he reasoned, "employs capital," and not the reverse. George's theory of value was an improvement on Adam Smith's , putting into it a greater emphasis on the importance of land in the analysis of the distribution of wealth. But it was a production cost theory, with all its problems and advantages.     

Francois Quesnay: Interpreters and Critics Revisited

A bstract . Francois Quesnay is held by many to be the first truly modern economist. In 1750, Quesnay outlined a framework for input-output analysis , perfected by Leontiefin 1930's; he developed a general equilibrium theory perfected in the 20th century by Walras and Keynes ; and Quesnay was among the first to analyse economic growth theory as a function of capital accumulation. As the main representative of the Physiocrats he proclaimed the libertarian motto of laissez faire. But his "libertarian ideas" were quite limited to domestic agricultural trade. The Physiocrats were tied with the aristocratic and autocratic "ancien regime" and Quesnay himself did not promote individual freedom and abhorred class struggle. By proclaiming "laissez faire la nature," the physiocrats believed in the natural order of things, with governments enforcing this natural order. In this order, agriculture is the source of all wealth and everything else is sterile: agricultural development means economic development. The physiocratic philosophy contributed to the 18th century "enlightenment" from the outside; it was too tied with the past to induce radical changes. The Physiocrats were forerunners of much of the economic theory and tools used today; but the economics system they envisioned was not meant to widen welfare or economic freedom.     

Max Weber and Economic Sociology

A bstract .   Peukert (2004 ) argues that Weber's work is only of limited relevance to present-day economic sociology because it incorporates "a rather narrow and static understanding of rationality and the economy." This article disputes that claim. It is argued that Weber differentiates between economic and sociological perspectives on the economy through incorporating uncertainty into the latter. Hence Weber's economic sociology develops the distinction between "before" and "after" perspectives on action, incorporates expectations, and defines capital with reference to time and uncertainty. Furthermore, Weber's analysis of formal rationality presupposes uncertainty. Weber's economic sociology thus assumes a dynamic economy, where uncertainty is prevalent, and formal rationality can reduce uncertainty. Peukert's analysis thus (a) fails to consider Weber's differentiation between economic and sociological investigations, and (b) does not engage with Weber's knowledge of Austrian economics.     

Thatcher Monetary Policy is Working: No Case for Reflation

The Prime Minister's monetary policy has been widely condemned as failing. Two American observers of British economic policy, an academic and a practical economist, maintain that the evidence shows both that it is working effectively and that there is no convincing argument for abandoning it.     

Henry George and Nineteenth-Century Economics

A bstract . Despite Henry George's great gifts as an economist and a social critic, he failed to take into account the momentous changes that were underway. As a result, his quaint faith in a combination of land reform and competition was unwarranted.     

STATISTICS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES

This survey paper gives an impression of the main ways in which statistics is used in disciplines such as sociology and psychology. After an introductory section 1 the negative image of social science research is discussed in section 2. Section 3 is devoted to the enormous influence of modern computing facilities. Measurement of human behaviour has its specific problems (section 4). The use of linear and log–linear models is the topic of section 5. Latent variables are a basic concept for social and behavioral scientists, both in some linear models (section 6) and in item response theory (section 7). In the next section multidimensional and optimal scaling techniques are mentioned, and a selection of other topics is the content of section 9. Some general remarks on the generalizability claim of statistical methods constitute the final section. Because of space limitations and priority considerations, the author has decided to write a paper about topics and not about individual research contributions. For this reason there is no list of references (it would take several pages) and no painful split of all Dutch authors into those mentioned and those omitted. In general the Dutch research community has made quite a few major contributions to the area discussed in this paper.     

Adolph Lowe's Paradigm Shift for a Scientific Economics: An Interpretive Perspective

A bstract . The economist Adolph Lowe has developed a methodological alternative, designated Political Economics , for the development of economic theory and the application of economic policy. In totality his system—with a methodology he calls instrumental—makes up a unity that can be seen as a logically derived paradigm shift for economics as a scientific discipline. Under it, by a democratic political process , some desired end-state is first consciously and systematically determined. Then economic means are instrumentally employed to bring about the economic and social behavior necessary to attain and maintain that end-state. Available knowledge and tools are useful for this model; however, there is no question that the approach raises significant technical, political and philosophical issues. But these are overshadowed by Lowe's paradigmatic vision, and its corollary modular framework of Political Economics.