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1.
    
This paper studies a simple reform that introduces ex post incentives for the donor to reward good policies—contrary to existing practices. Instead of committing aid to each recipient ex ante and making aid conditional on reform, the donor centralizes the disbursement decision by committing aid to a group of countries. The actual amount disbursed to each individual country would depend on its relative performance. This explicit linkage of the allocation and disbursement decisions has two important advantages as compared to present practices. First, it raises the opportunity cost of disbursing aid ex post, thereby giving the donor stronger incentives to reward good policies. Second, competition among recipients allows the donor to make inferences about common shocks, which otherwise conceal the recipient's choice of action. This enables the donor to give aid more efficiently.  相似文献   

2.
    
We examine how the bilateral aid flows from an individual donor to a recipient depend on the aid flows from all other bilateral and multilateral donors to that recipient. Thereby, we assess to what extent issues including donor coordination, free‐riding, selectivity, specialization, and common donor interests drive bilateral aid allocations. We find that others’ bilateral flows lead to a significant increase in aid flows from a particular donor, but primarily within a given year. The effects are particularly pronounced for large donors and so‐called “darling” recipients. Overall, the results suggest that herding is a dominant feature of aid inter‐relationships.  相似文献   

3.
Being closer to the poor, NGOs are widely believed to provide better targeted aid than state agencies. But empirical evidence is largely lacking. We contribute to closing this gap by drawing on an exceptionally detailed Swiss database that covers different forms of NGO aid and several official aid benchmarks. The Tobit estimations account for both altruistic and selfish aid motivations. Whether or not NGOs provide better targeted aid depends on the source of NGO funding as well as the choice of the official benchmark. In contrast to widespread belief, however, the allocation of self-financed NGO aid reveals striking similarities to the allocation of official Swiss development aid.  相似文献   

4.
Well-meaning national and international bureaucracies dispense foreign aid under conditions in which bureaucracy fails. The environment that created aid bureaucracies led those organizations to (a) define their output as money disbursed rather than service delivered, (b) produce many low-return observable outputs (glossy reports and "frameworks") and few high-return less observable activities like ex - post evaluation, (c) engage in obfuscation, spin control, and amnesia (always describing aid efforts as "new and improved") exhibiting little learning from the past, (d) put enormous demands on scarce administrative skills in poor countries. To change this unhappy equilibrium, policymakers in rich and poor countries should experiment with decentralized markets, matching those who want to help the poor with the poor themselves freely expressing their needs and aspirations.  相似文献   

5.
We show that there was a negative correlation between pro-poor aid and inequality in the period before the mid-2000s. This article provides an explanation for this observed relationship. Using panel data on 34 countries for the period 1996–2014, we test the hypothesis that pro-poor aid has an inequality-reducing effect. To demonstrate that the negative correlation is not spurious, we use dynamic panel techniques with alternative specifications. We show that the share of pro-poor aid has a negative effect on inequality. In addition, we show that the interaction term between the poverty rate and the change in pro-poor aid has a significant effect. These empirical results are consistent with our theoretical predictions. The results imply that aid can reduce inequality by altering the allocation of aid, rather than by increasing the amount of aid.  相似文献   

6.
    
Foreign aid is a sizable source of government financing for several developing countries and its allocation matters for the conduct of fiscal policy. This article revisits the fiscal effects of shifts in aid dependency in 59 developing countries from 1960 to 2010. It identifies structural shifts in aid dependency and uses treatment effect methods to assess the fiscal effects of aid. It finds that shifts in aid dependency are frequent and have significant fiscal effects in developing countries. In addition to the traditional evidences of tax and investment displacement and ‘aid illusion,’ we show that upward shifts and downward shifts in aid dependency have asymmetric effects on fiscal accounts in developing countries. Large aid inflows undermine tax capacity and public investment while large reductions in aid inflows tend to keep recipients’ fiscal behaviour intact. Moreover, the tax displacement effect tends to be temporary while the impacts on expenditure items tend to last. Finally, we find that the undesirable fiscal effects of aid are more pronounced in countries with low governance score and low absorptive capacity.  相似文献   

7.
    
Democratic governance is believed to improve government responsiveness to citizens’ demand for public goods. In China, villagers’ committee elections represent a major progress in China’s development toward good governance. We develop a rational model to explain villagers’ participation. Utilizing a national survey of rural residents in 2005, this paper tests the insights of the model. Two findings are of interest to the students of voting and elections. First, there is disagreement over the causal relationship between political trust and voting. This paper offers a rational interpretation of political trust by emphasizing the informational aspect of the concept. Second, voting is generally theorized as a process of overcoming various costs. The prospect of benefits figures more prominently in Chinese village elections. Our findings highlight the pivotal role of township governments in China’s rural politics and reveal the inner dilemma of democratization in China.  相似文献   

8.
Building on the previous literature, we assess when foreign aid is effective in fighting terrorism using quantile regressions on a panel of 78 developing countries for the period 1984–2008. Bilateral, multilateral and total aid indicators are used whereas terrorism includes: domestic, transnational, unclear and total terrorism dynamics. We consistently establish that foreign aid (bilateral, multilateral and total) is effective at fighting terrorism exclusively in countries where existing levels of transnational terrorism are highest. This finding is consistent with our theoretical underpinnings because donors have been documented to allocate more aid towards fighting transnational terrorist activities in recipient countries because they are more likely to target their interests. Moreover, the propensity of donor interest at stake is likely to increase with initial levels of transnational terrorism, such that the effect of foreign aid is most significant in recipient countries with the highest levels of transnational terrorism. Policy implications and future research directions are discussed.  相似文献   

9.
Robust political economy emphasizes the lack of benevolence and omniscience of would be reformers. In addition, we consider the effects of biased decision-making for the robustness of the policy implications. This paper examines the robustness of the policy implications of models based on coordination failures and poverty traps. In particular, we address the revival in ‘big push’ type models and its policy implications. We argue that attempts to promote economic development through ‘big push’ models lack robustness. JEL Code O1, O20, P26, P41  相似文献   

10.
ABSTRACT

The development literature lacks consensus about the link between aid effectiveness and governance improvement. A basic rational actor model is introduced to clarify how donors can influence recipient behaviors and more broadly how foreign aid can support or impede governance quality improvement. Adopting the underutilized perspective of donor behavior, this study identifies mechanisms through which aid hinders governance improvement and offers substantive recommendations about how donors can enhance aid effectiveness, including strategies for donors to raise the level of effort recipients devote to project success.  相似文献   

11.
1980~2003年,日本向中国提供了累计达3.3万亿日元的贷款,占所有双边贷款总和的比重约50~60%,是中国最大也最重要的援助提供国.这些日元贷款对中国经济增长的影响如何,这方面的研究十分少见.本文以发展经济学的援助评价理论为基础建立了计量模型,利用1980年以来的数据,对上述问题作了一个尝试性的评价.我们的计量分析结果表明,在1990年前,日元贷款对中国经济增长的贡献不显著,在1990年之后的作用则积极显著,这表明不同的政策环境与援助性贷款的相互作用导致不同的结果.  相似文献   

12.
    
The effects of foreign aid on economic growth have been extensively investigated over the past 40 years. However, even though foreign aid can be a significant source of insurance against domestic output shocks for developing countries, its risk-sharing role has not been well explored. Using a sample of 22 developing countries over the period 2003–2013, we estimate the degree of income smoothing generated by foreign aid serving as an effective channel of international income smoothing. In particular, for the period 2003–2008, we estimate that foreign aid offset about 4% of the domestic output shocks. Furthermore, we investigate the determinants of the extent of risk sharing via foreign aid, recognizing the diversification of the originating countries as a key factor. Surprisingly, humanitarian aid seems to have a negative effect, which might be explained by its predominant role in the short run.  相似文献   

13.
    
This paper shows that, based on Yang and Zhang's (2003) analysis, economic development can be viewed as an evolutionary process of division of labour that is driven by improvements in transaction efficiency. Both economic development and income inequality are consequences of this process; there is no systematic relationship between the two. Implications of the Yang‐Zhang analysis for government policies, including the allocation of foreign aid, are also discussed.  相似文献   

14.
    
The aid allocation literature has assumed that two forms of aid flows – grants and concessional loans – are determined identically. Its findings reflect average behavioral patterns based on an aggregate of these two distinct transfer types. This analysis shows that the past findings generally apply to grants but not to concessional loans. In particular, the amount of grants decreases with income, whereas the amount of concessional loans increases with income. However, donors increase both grants and loans to politically aligned administrations during election years irrespective of recipients’ income level. Other econometric issues such as endogeneity of income and cross-sectional dependence are taken into account.  相似文献   

15.
1981-2002年间国际金融组织贷款对中国经济增长的贡献研究   总被引:2,自引:1,他引:2  
改革开放以来,国际金融组织贷款一直是我国对外借款的重要来源,其所占比例始终维持在40%左右,累计金额已达数百亿美元.这些贷款对中国经济增长的影响如何,这方面的研究十分少见.本文以柯布-道格拉斯生产函数的派生模型为基础建立了修正模型,分别利用1978年以来的国家和省级两层数据,对上述问题作了一个尝试性的评价.我们的计量分析结果表明,在1990年前后,国际金融组织贷款对中国经济增长的贡献存在差异.对不同地区的增长贡献也差异较大,表明不同的政策环境与援助性贷款的相互作用结果是不同的.  相似文献   

16.
We analyse, both theoretically and empirically, the growth effects associated with two components of volatile foreign financial assistance: ‘directly productive’ (or ‘tied’) aid and ‘pure’ aid. We find that scenarios in which aid can hurt the recipient's growth rate emerge only in cases where foreign aid is volatile. As a result, we conclude that it is only in conjunction with the presence of aid variability that aid allocation determines whether foreign aid hurts or promotes long-run growth.  相似文献   

17.
We conduct a discrete choice experiment to determine how important aid effectiveness is to people relative to other criteria for choosing countries to support with bilateral foreign aid. We find that aid effectiveness is important, on a par with recipient-country need as proxied by the level of hunger and malnutrition. Both criteria are more important than others.  相似文献   

18.
19.
  总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
The classic narrative of economic development—poor countries are caught in poverty traps, out of which they need a Big Push involving increased investment, leading to a takeoff in per capita income—has been very influential in foreign aid debates since the 1950s. This was the original justification for foreign aid. The narrative lost credibility for a while but has made a big comeback in the new millennium. Once again it is invoked as a rationale for large foreign aid programs. This paper applies very simple tests to the various elements of the narrative. Evidence to support the narrative is scarce. Poverty traps in the sense of zero growth for low-income countries are rejected by the data in the whole period 1950–2001 and for most sub-periods. The poorest quintile also does not have significant negative growth of the relative income ratio to the world’s richest country over 1950–2001, nor is relative growth for the lowest quintile significantly different than other quintiles. The claim that “well-governed poor nations” are caught in poverty traps is rejected by simple regressions that control for both initial income and quality of government (instrumenting for the latter). The idea of the takeoff also does not garner much support in the data. Takeoffs are rare in the data, most plausibly limited to the Asian success stories. Even then, the takeoffs are not associated with aid, investment, or education spending as the standard narrative would imply.  相似文献   

20.
Official donor policy towards Africa seems to be informed by the twin requirements of alleviating poverty on the one hand and ensuring respect for human rights and democratization on the other. In practice, when these interests conflict, as they usually do in Africa, donors tend to choose to continue supporting dictatorships, arguing that economic development will eventually lead to democratization. This paper argues that this faulty reasoning is a product of modernization theory that has had undue influence in western policy circles. Based on a broad survey of the literature, the paper shows that there is no theoretical or empirical basis for the claim that authoritarian regimes would provide better economic performance than democracies in general and particularly in Africa. Furthermore, available evidence suggests that the lack of democratization (defined broadly to include the substance of democracy such as government accountability and basic freedoms in addition to meaningful democratic elections) is a key constraint on economic and social development in Africa. Finally, the paper argues that even when the empirical case to establish a definite causal relationship between democratization and development cannot be ascertained, a very strong case can be made for prioritizing democratization for the long term societal transformation of the continent.  相似文献   

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