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茅先生既不掌握政府权力,又不像李嘉诚那样富甲一方,如果不以"说话"这种特定方式为穷人办事,他能给穷人带来多大帮助呢茅于轼先生的文章《替富人说话,为穷人办事》引起的反响越来越大了,我的一些朋友和一些我所尊敬的前辈学人也卷入了批评或辩 相似文献
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Erik Ringmar 《The Scandinavian economic history review / [the Scandanavian Society for Economic and Social History and Historical Geography]》2017,65(2):124-126
Economic growth is an aspect of social change which cannot be explained by economic theory alone. McCloskey invokes ‘ideas’ but ideas only matter as embodied in institutions. Weingast makes this points but his institutions are too economistic. Only institutionalised self-emergence can explain massive, relentless and automatic change. 相似文献
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Go Yano Maho Shiraishi Xohrat Mahmut 《Journal of Chinese Economic and Business Studies》2013,11(3):217-225
The marginal-products-of-labour (MPL) wage gap is studied in the early-reform Chinese economy, using the Olley-Pakes estimation technique to estimate the production function, based on micro data including different categories of labour. From this measurement of MPL-wage gaps and econometric analyses, several conclusions are drawn. First, the MPL-wage gap was anomalously large for managers in state-owned enterprises (SOEs) compared with other categories of labour. Second, the large MPL-wage gap of managers raised the average MPL-wage gap across various categories of labour, resulting in higher than the average wage MPL throughout the entire workforce, which is regarded as homogeneous. Third, the large MPL-wage gap, or, in other words, the under-employment of managers, occurred not only because the state still centrally employed and allocated labour to SOEs, but because the economy faced a labour-supply constraint of managers in early-reform China. This observation supports a modified version of the state labour-monopsony hypothesis. 相似文献
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