Jats,Khaps and Riots: Communal Politics and the Bharatiya Kisan Union in Northern India

Contrary to the general view that communal riots in India are urban‐centred, the rural areas of Muzaffarnagar in the state of Uttar Pradesh were the site of a major communal riot in September 2013. The majority of victims in the riot were Muslim labourers from the lower‐caste groups, and the alleged perpetrators were members of the relatively prosperous Hindu Jat households. This paper deals with how the leadership and membership of a ‘new farmers’ movement’ – the Bharatiya Kisan Union (BKU) – actively internalized, and helped entrench, a communal discourse that preceded the riots. It argues that the reasons for why the identity of a ‘Hindu’ prevailed over the class‐neutral identity of a ‘farmer’ during the riots can be traced to the ways in which the BKU has historically sought to culturally construct the identity of a ‘farmer’. The political intermediation of the traditional institution of khaps is highlighted as central to this process. Khaps played a major role in spreading and sustaining a communal discourse and preparing the ground for the Muzaffarnagar riots of 2013.     

The Institutionalisation of “Noise” and “Silence” in Urban Politics: Riots and Compliance in Uganda and Rwanda

Amid ongoing debates about institutions and development, the importance of informal institutions (or norms) is widely recognised. Relatively little, however, is known about how informal institutions form and persist over time in particular contexts. This paper combines a concern with the process of informal institutionalisation and a focus on everyday politics in urban areas. Drawing on a comparative study of Kampala (Uganda) and Kigali (Rwanda), it argues that in the former the regular mobilisation of urban social groups into protests and riots has institutionalised what might be termed “noise” as the most meaningful form of political participation. In Kigali, by contrast, comparatively “silent” processes of collective mobilisation that involve structured activities and community “self-policing” have become institutionalised. The paper analyses these differential patterns, considering the tacit norms of negotiation in each case and the incentives for urban social and political actors to adhere to them.     

思政育人元素在食品类专业核心课程中的融合探索

不断改进高校的思政工作是一项长期又重大的政治任务。深入挖掘食品类专业核心课程蕴含的思想政治教育资源,实现全员、全程、全方位育人是当下高校食品类专业课程思政建设的热点。本文就食品类专业核心课程的思政育人功能以及思政育人元素与专业课融合的路径进行了探讨,旨在挖掘食品类核心专业课中潜在的思政教育依托点和实践点,为实现“学科知识内化+思政元素外显”的教学目标提供参考。     

Politics by Other Means: The Emergence of a New Politics of Food in the United States

A new politics of food has arrived. Interest groups are no longer required to rely on traditional legislative means to achieve their political objectives. Instead, changes in the political economy of the food system and the economic structure of the food system make it possible to practice politics by other means, including the use of the market to achieve political objectives. The increasing transaction costs of legislative decision making, the slow growth in the demand for food in developed country markets, the increasing demand for specific food product attributes, and the highly concentrated state of most food markets can make it advantageous for interest groups to pursue their political objectives through the market rather than through legislative channels. In the new politics of food, the market, the legislature, the bureaucracy, and the judiciary are all arenas within which the art of politics will be practiced.     

基于课程思政的食品感官分析课程教学改革研究

食品感官分析课程在食品科学与工程专业人才培养中具有重要作用,食品感官分析课程的思政建设是高等教育新理念和方向下实现专业课德育及进行价值引导的有力举措。针对当前食品感官分析教学融入课程思政存在的问题,课程组结合课程教学实际,深度挖掘、开发思政资源,提出在教学目标、教学方法及考核方式等方面进行优化,润物细无声的提高理论教学和实践教学思政育人深度,在培养学生专业素养的同时,实现思政育人目标。     

Can the State Foster Food Sovereignty? Insights from the Case of Ecuador

This paper contributes to the discussion on food sovereignty and the state by analysing the case of Ecuador. It presents a theoretical framework and literature review focused on the question of food sovereignty, the state and agrarian political economy. The case study of Ecuador, one of a handful of countries that has attempted to institutionalize food sovereignty in state policy, examines the political processes that led to the institutionalization of food sovereignty and the rural development and agricultural policies of the ‘post‐neoliberal’ government of Rafael Correa. The analysis of the Ecuadorian case concludes that the implementation of public policies reflecting food sovereignty principles has largely proven elusive, with the exception of some institutional changes and developments at the local levels of the state.     

The Vanishing Free Market: The Formation and Spread of the British and US Food Regimes

In this paper, I compare the formation of food regimes during British and US hegemony, which were mirror-images in terms of the degree of free trade and state regulation as well as the direction of trade flow of grains. Many scholars recognize that the foundation for each regime was laid by the national policy and dominant political coalition in the world-economic hegemon, but my analysis pays particular attention to the divisions and coalitions within agriculture as forces that drove the shape of each regime. Though important agricultural divisions existed in each case, the political power of the resulting agricultural coalitions – and those coalitions' relations to the nation's dominant coalition – are central to understanding the formation and spread of each food regime.     

Role of international politics on agri‐food trade: Evidence from US–Canada bilateral relations

A well‐functioning trade relationship between Canada and the United States is crucial to the economic vitality of the Canadian agri‐food industry. However, agri‐food trade is more susceptible than other sectors to political interventions. The Trump presidency has strained Canada–US relations and his trade policy actions have significantly increased trade restrictions and trade policy uncertainty and undermined the rules‐based global trading system. We examine the pattern of agri‐food trade between the two countries and find that the upward trajectory of bilateral agri‐food trade ended in 2013. Although this flatlining predates the Trump administration, we show that Trump increased trade policy uncertainty starting in 2017 and likely impacted further expansion of trade. We examine what might change under the Biden presidency and argue that the new administration is likely to restore strong relationships with allies and work to rebuild important international institutions such as the World Trade Organization (WTO). Although protectionist forces will continue to impact bilateral agri‐food trade, we expect closer political ties between a Biden administration and the Canadian Prime Minister. This should have a positive effect on the Canadian agri‐food industry by reducing trade uncertainties, thereby increasing agri‐food trade between Canada and the United States.     

超星学习通辅助食品分析课程思政教学初探

基于食品分析课程特点,采用学习通的在线辅助功能进行课程思政教学初探。通过挖掘各章节中的主要思政元素并与专业知识无缝衔接,利用超星学习通课前发送“学习资料+相关知名故事”,课中进行主要知识点融入思政元素的案例设计,课后进行讨论并统计学情,从而提高学生学习兴趣和主动探索分析的能力,有利于增强食品人才的专业知识、职业素养和工匠精神。     

广西壮族自治区耕地利用现状与粮食安全问题研究

粮食安全问题是国家政治稳定和经济发展的重要战略问题.该文通过深入农户调查和利用遥感监测技术,从广西耕地利用现状分析了广西粮食安全生产问题,认为广西粮食生产赶不上人口发展需要,耕地减少,粮食播种面积下降,农户产业结构调整对广西粮食安全生产已构成严重危险,粮食安全生产不容忽视,提出了加强粮食安全生产5点建议.     

SELF-SUFFICIENCY AND FOOD SECURITY IN THE UK AND EC PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS

The political strength in the EC and UK of the belief that high levels of self-sufficiency make food supplies more secure is demonstrated and explained. The relationship is examined analytically and critically, taking particular account of the priority of food, adjustment costs, and linkages between agriculture and other sectors. The need for a policy of food security in Western Europe is discussed in relation to military, crop and trade uncertainties. Finally, the elements of a more rational policy, including measures of storage, procurement and production independence, are outlined.     

Food,farmers, and the future: Investigating prospects of increased food production within a national context

With international food price shocks in 2008 and 2011, food security became a political priority in many countries. In addition, some politicians have recently adopted a more nationalistic stance. Against that background, this paper critically investigates the prospects of increased food production within a national context. We use a small, high-income country, Norway, as an empirical case. In 2012, the government set a goal of increasing agricultural food production by 20% by 2030. We ask: 1) How has food production in Norway developed before and after the goal was set? 2) What plans do farmers have, and what do they regard as the main obstacles to increased production? We apply a mixed method combining public statistics, a survey, and interviews. We analyze four production systems: a) milk; b) grass-based meat; c) combined pig and grain; and d) grain. These systems represent around 80% of the domestically consumed food produced on farms in Norway. Since 2000, aggregate food production has had a slight downward trend with periodic fluctuations. Based on a political economy approach, we identify land and labor as the most limiting factors. Capital is less of a hindrance and offers a potential for increased production. Farmers have modest expectations of increased production, though. This outlook resonates with the strong integration of agriculture into the wider economy, at both micro and macro levels, making it challenging to implement new policies and change farm practices on a broad basis. Increases in some specific products, however, are realistic.     

“粮油加工及制品工艺学”课程思政建设

课程思政是新时代背景下党中央加强高校思想政治工作的新要求,是对课程德育的政治提升。同时专业课程教学与思想政治教育有机融合也是实现"全程育人和全方位育人"这一目标的有力举措。文章以通化师范学院食品科学与工程专业"粮油加工及制品工艺学"为研究对象,阐述了该门课程结合课程思政的教育意义并基于课程特点探讨了课程思政实现路径,为"粮油加工及制品工艺学"课程全面实施课程思政提供一些思路和启示,同时也为高校其他课程的课程思政建设提供相应的借鉴和参考。     

食品工艺学课程思政示范课程建设实践研究

专业课程的课程思政建设已成为现代教育教学活动中推进立德树人根本任务的教学模式之一,根据食品工艺学的课程特色,结合课程思政示范课程建设,系统挖掘思政元素,从课程建设、课程思政教学设计以及思政元素的融入等方面进行实践探索研究,对教学手段、教学目标等进行改进完善,建立专业知识与政治素养、国家民族复兴间的联系,提升学生的责任感和家国情怀。以期为实现课程思政目标教学路径的开拓以及其他专业课的课程思政改革提供一定的参考。     

The microeconomics of the developmental paradox: on the political economy of food price policy

A longstanding puzzle in comparative economics is the ‘developmental paradox’, the tendency for government support for agriculture to increase with national income and to decrease with the proportion of economic activity and of the population in agriculture. This paper offers a microeconomic explanation for that puzzle. It establishes analytically the microeconomic basis for coalition alignments with respect to food price policy, then numerically simulates the comparative static effects of alternative food policies on coalition structure. A parsimonious household model applied to a heterogeneously endowed society demonstrates how variation in individual welfare effects might beget distinct coalitions in the debate over food price policy and how those policies are inextricably linked to land, population, and technology policies in food agriculture. Moreover, coalition alignments on particular policy debates are path-dependent. In particular, food price policy creates its own political support.     

The Conflicted State and Agrarian Transformation in Pink Tide Venezuela

Can radical political‐economic transformation be achieved by electoral regimes that have not thoroughly reconstructed the state? Contemporary Venezuela offers an optimal venue for examining this question. The Chavista movement did not replace the previous state: instead, its leaders attempted to reform existing state entities and establish new ones in pursuit of its transformation agenda. It has also used its oil wealth to support cooperatively‐oriented economic activity, without necessarily fundamentally altering the property structure. Thus, the social change‐oriented political economy exists alongside the traditional one. Focusing on agrarian transformation, we examine ethnographically how these factors have impacted the state's capacity to attain its goal of national food sovereignty. We find that the state's ability to accomplish this objective has been compromised by lack of agency‐level capacity, inter‐agency conflict and the persistence of the previously‐extant agrarian property structure. These dynamics have influenced the state to shift from its initial objective of food sovereignty to a policy of nationalist food security.     

GOVERNMENT VERSUS PRIVATE QUALITY ASSURANCE FOR AUSTRALIAN FOOD EXPORTS

Most foodstuffs have quality attributes that are difficult to determine prior to purchase. Thus quality assurance is an inherent problem in food exporting. Private quality assurance can succeed if exporters can credibly signal that they have much to lose from cessation of purchases. If exporters do not provide credible quality signals, and foreign importers judge food quality according to country of origin, honest exporters can suffer negative spillovers from others' cheating under either government or private quality assurance. For both economic and political reasons, the best choice between government and private quality assurance will differ between foods and importing countries.     

Crisis? What Crisis? The Normality of the Current Food Crisis

The 2005–8 food crisis was a shock to political elites, but in some respects the situation was normal. Food policies are failing to respond adequately to the squeeze on land, people, health and environment. Strong evidence of systems failure and stress, termed here New Fundamentals, ought to reframe twenty‐first century food politics and effort. Yet so far, international discourse is too often narrow and technical. The paper suggests that 2005–8 reinforced how the dominant twentieth century productionist policy paradigm is running out of steam. This assumed that producing more food would resolve social problems. Yet distortions in markets, access and culture remain. At national and international levels of governance, despite realization of the enormity of the challenge ahead, there is still a belief in slow incremental change.     

The State and Marketing in African Countries

The paper reviews policies and regulations concerning the marketing of food and other consumer items in Ghana for the period 1970-85. Major reasons advanced for government intervention have been the need to control inflation and the belief that traditional and private sector distribution systems are inefficient. The examination indicates the disastrous effects of government intervention. In particular it led to widespread shortages of food, smuggling, hoarding and corruption. Intervention created a class of newly rich people who had preferred access to government officials. The impact of intervention in Ghana mirrors the experience of other African countries. Analysis of the experience with intervention suggests that problems attributed to food marketers are actually the result of government macroeconomic policies. Changes in macroeconomic policies are therefore necessary if marketing is to contribute effectively in making food available at reasonable prices. Marketers need to become more aware of political variables in their environments as a result of these macroeconomic policies as well as how to adapt their marketing strategies.     

Agrarian Winners of Neoliberal Reform: The ‘Maize Boom’ of Sinaloa,Mexico

While the detrimental impact of neoliberal policy on Mexico's maize smallholders is well researched, little attention has been paid to the rise of maize in the northern state of Sinaloa. Sinaloa's entry into maize has restructured the geography of national supply, and generated a new national confidence in white maize self‐sufficiency. Using semi‐structured interviews and secondary data, we document the primary social and political drivers of Sinaloa's maize boom. Local actors trumpet Sinaloa's response as a success story of entrepreneurship and technological innovation, while simultaneously appropriating the language of food sovereignty to justify preferential entitlements in public investment. Our analysis confirms interpretations of neoliberalism as a political project, illustrating how existing natural, social and political capital held by specific interest groups can be leveraged and reinforced through private–public partnerships to mould national policy and investment, and the potential vulnerabilities that may emerge from this process.