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Klaus Dodds 《Geopolitics》2013,18(2):266-289
This paper seeks to extend the remit of popular geopolitics by considering the role and significance of places and their inhabitants in shaping the narrative structures of films. By using the example of the James Bond series from the 1960s, it is suggested that there is more complex series of geographies to be acknowledged. Arguably most of the trade press reviewers were largely content to argue that places were simply ‘exotic locations’. With a detailed examination of screenplays from five Bond films, it is shown that United Artists and Eon Productions played an important and creative role in shaping the geographies of dangers and threats confronted by James Bond. Moreover, austere and or remote locations also played important roles in generating a sense of climax between the British secret agent and his enemies regardless of whether they were part of a criminal network or an evil genius. Finally, the paper concludes with an assessment of some of the outstanding challenges facing a popular geopolitics. 相似文献
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William M. Dugger 《Journal of economic issues》2013,47(3):814-816
I aim at contributing to the academic debate about the relationship between functional income distribution and economic growth in regard to the large and open economy of Turkey in the period from 1987 to 2006. To this end, I propose a simple post-Keynesian model, so as to test whether the Turkish economy is wage or profit-led. I find evidence that, while a rising wage has a positive effect on investment, it does not affect consumption in Turkey. Hence the combined effect of a rising wage share on domestic demand (investment plus consumption) is positive. However, since exports and imports are so sensitive to labor costs, as they are in the case of Turkey, the regime becomes profit-led. 相似文献
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Julia Calvert 《New Political Economy》2018,23(1):46-65
Investor–state dispute settlement (ISDS) has come to the forefront of debate over corporate rights in the contemporary era. While proponents laud ISDS as a neutral and efficient means of dispute resolution, critics claim that it shields transnational corporations from the oversight of national legal systems while enhancing their ability to interfere in host state policy matters. Moreover, because dispute settlement is carried out in international tribunals, ISDS is argued to disable citizen-driven politics. Governments have called on arbitration bodies to enhance the transparency of ISDS procedures and open spaces for civil society involvement. This reflects a desire to increase the legitimacy of ISDS in the face of mounting contestation. In this paper, I examine the multiple ways in which civil society actors intervene in investor–state arbitration inside and outside of formal channels. I focus specifically on two disputes involving foreign investors active in the water and hydrocarbons sectors of Argentina and Ecuador, respectively. I find that political pressure exerted by civil society actors influenced government decisions to break with investment rules and helped to shape government positioning within arbitral processes. Civil society actors must therefore be recognised as important participants in investor–state disputes. 相似文献
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ABSTRACTDuring recent decades, the link between profits and domestic investment has weakened in the largest high-income economies. In this article, we explore this attenuation of the profit–investment nexus through a profit-centred perspective. Focusing on the impact of the origins and uses of profits, we study the investment behaviour of non-financial corporations in relation to their profits at the macro level since 1970, a period marked by financialisation, globalisation and, more recently, monopolisation. We contrast and discuss four competing hypothese—the revenge of the rentiers, the financial turn of accumulation, globalisation and monopolisation—and related stylised facts for France, Germany, Japan, the United Kingdom and the United States. 相似文献
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Zhongjun Zhang Zhizhong Peng 《中国经济评论(英文版)》2004,3(9):62-66
The creation risk investmentof the high and new technology enterprise isthe way to finance:and invest for the business period. After we putting the capital into the high and new. technology project.that is in the devetopment stage, the enterprise can, acquire high, increase, by the. support and assistance 'of, the. capital and management. After the enterprise grew up, it can achieve high benefits by selling stock, attorning the enterprise, and dealing property rights, etc. Finally it secedes form the enterprise invested. The purpose of total analysis in the respective stage for the business investment cause including cause prosperities, object, risk, is to comprehensively understand the effect on the anticipation ratio of the benefit, investment distribution, the stock property proportion which is offered by the activity content, and the emphasis of the assessment in the respective stages of the creation risk investment cause. 相似文献
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Christian Wirth 《Geopolitics》2013,18(2):287-307
Why has the military dimension of the US-Japan relationship remained the central point of reference for Japanese foreign relations, despite the demise of the Soviet Union? Why has Japan, deepening economic interdependence notwithstanding, remained politically distant from East Asia? Based on analysis of statements by Japanese and US political elites and academics regarding the US-Japan alliance, this article argues that the rise of China, coterminous with the rise of ‘Asia’, challenges the notion of the ‘West’ as, according to standards of industrial modernity, a superior social and political order. These moving ideational boundaries question Japan’s position as the most advanced Asian nation and member of the (Western) international society of states. Therefore, the US-Japan alliance has since the mid-1990s become increasingly important for securing Japan in the ‘West’ and the ‘West’s boundaries in East Asia. 相似文献
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The analysis is focused on possible time-related changes in the cyclical behaviour of production using a set of individual production series. Disaggregate data are used to analyse whether short-run fluctuations have actually become less extreme or erratic in time and whether the tendency of shocks to have permanent or transitory effects has changed between the pre-war and post-war eras. A third aspect of cyclical trends examined concerns the correlation of short-term changes across sectors. The main finding of the paper is that there has been little change in the behaviour of the individual series over time in fluctuation size, persistence and frequency. Thus, a reduction in variability appears also to be due to a problem of statistical measurement. Rather then suggesting, as the standard literature does, that demand shocks were unimportant in the post-war period – which implies that supply shocks were more important – an estimate of the Italian experience gives evidence of the importance of both causes. 相似文献
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《Journal of economic behavior & organization》1987,8(1):165-168
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Debates about economic policy in Britain have been dominated by claims that sovereign debt problems are due to loose fiscal policy and excessive spending rather than volatile capital flows and flawed monetary policy. There are strong grounds for believing that these stories are largely nonsense, yet they inform policy and are widely believed among mass publics, and have proved almost impossible to refute in everyday political discourse. The answer to this puzzle, we suggest, is that such claims are better thought of as bullshit (as conceptualised by Harry Frankfurt 2005) rather than outright falsehoods: in other words, as speech acts that are indifferent to the truth and proceed without effective concern for the veracity of the claim in question. In this paper, we examine the characteristics of political bullshit applied to economic policy debates since the financial crisis, and seek to explain its hold on the popular imagination. We assess what makes some particular brands of bullshit more successful than others, and argue that in a world of competing realities as well as competing theories, the power of rhetoric is more likely to settle an argument than evidence and logic. 相似文献
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Chi-Ang Lin 《Applied economics》2013,45(8):999-1005
For most developed countries, the study of the long–term trend of government size has become a major issue. This study employs advanced time–series techniques to investigate the long–run properties of the government size series for the US. By applying the persistence measures developed by Campbell and Mankiw (Quarterly Journal of Economics, 102, 857–80, 1987) and Cochrane (Journal of Political Economy, 96, 893–920, 1988), this study finds big long–term persistence in government size at all levels of the US government. The finding, indeed, explains the fact that the US has gradually taken steps to control the size of government in the 1990s. 相似文献
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Popular Geopolitics,Audiences and Identities: Reading the ‘War on Terror’ in the Philippines 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Chih Yuan Woon 《Geopolitics》2014,19(3):656-683
Audience research has traditionally been neglected within the subfield of popular geopolitics. However in recent years, geographers are increasingly focusing on the making of geopolitical meanings by audiences as they consume popular culture and related texts. Drawing on recent assemblage thinking in geopolitics, this paper argues that audiences form part of the animators of a network that links the human body with places, environments, objects and discourses related to geopolitics. By investigating Filipinos’ critical readings of and engagements with the ‘war on terror’ in Mindanao as represented through the national newspaper, the Philippines Daily Inquirer, the agency and power of audiences in the creative enactments of geopolitics and geography are illuminated. As such, understanding the complex interactions between popular media and its audiences can prove useful in casting insights into the everyday, geopolitical ‘playing out’ of issues of terrorism, violence and peace in the Philippines context and beyond. 相似文献
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Professor Lee Chulhee 《International economic journal》2013,27(2):27-49
This paper estimates how much changes in employment and hours worked for family heads and spouses contributed to the rise in the family income inequality between 1969 and 1989. Change in labor market activity of family heads accounts for half of the increase in the income gap between the top and bottom 10th families. The effect of change in work effort on the income inequality is considerably weaker where four-fifths of families in the middle of income distribution are considered. This result is robust to changes in the selection of the population. The rise in the inequality of labor market activity occurred largely within families headed by prime-age men. The rise in the percentage of families headed by female and the decline in employment rate for older family heads are relatively minor factors. [J2, E2, N3] 相似文献
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Markus-Michael Müller 《Geopolitics》2013,18(3):696-727
This paper analyses the export-import business of penal policies that accompanies the “war on transnational street gangs” between the United States and Central America. It argues that far from being a unidirectional export of punitive politics from the United States towards Central America, many of these punitive exports travel “back home”. This creates transnational punitive entanglements that contribute to the contingent convergence of punitive geopolitics and domestic politics in the guise of a transnational penal apparatus that integrates law enforcement agencies and military forces, securocratic epistemic communities and national political entrepreneurs into a functionally cohesive but decentred transnational security structure engaged in a multilayered punitive containment of transnational street gangs across the Americas. 相似文献
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John F. Henry 《Forum for Social Economics》2007,36(1):17-27
Social outcomes are analyzed either by placing responsibility for those outcomes on the individual or to locate the cause
in a specific social factor – discrimination. Here, I argue that individual decision-making cannot be the cause of poverty,
illustrative of one outcome, and that commentary specifying a particular social factor is insufficient to address the fundamental,
underlying cause of poverty. Rather, one must examine the nature of the economic system that lies at the root of such issues.
In the process of developing the argument, it is shown that the individualist explanation of poverty is linked to the neoclassical
framework, and that this individualist explanation is a product of the (capitalist) economic system itself which then induces
an ideology both privileging such an explanation and preventing the development of satisfactory theory that would inform proper
policy. An example of this point is drawn from the 1960’s “war on poverty” program.
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John F. HenryEmail: |
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Pierre L. Siklos 《Journal of Economic Policy Reform》2013,16(4):373-392
This paper evaluates Hungary's dilemma with sterilization in the context of the record of countries elsewhere that have experienced similar capital inflow episodes, e.g., Latin America and Asia. The study focuses on the short-run impact of sterilization on monetary policy. The empirical results indicate that sterilized interventions by the National Bank of Hungary (NBH) did not neutralize capital inflows until possibly the middle of 1995, following a change in government and, more significantly, a change in exchange rate regimes. Indeed, it appears that monetary policy was overly restrictive and that, for a time, the NBH overcompensated for the inflows of capital. 相似文献