The "New" Political Economies (A View from Russia)

This paper analyses some of the problems created by a rapidly changing interaction between the political and the economic spheres in society. In periods of condensed social change this interaction is profoundly different from customary evolutionary developments. In Russia various political economic concepts during the last century have led to profound shifts in economic mechanisms and structures (first toward a planned economy, later toward a market one). A knowledge of this experience (and the new problems that surface) might be useful if globalisation, environmental issues and the transition to a post-industrial society should lead to periods of condensed socioeconomic change in the West.     

Russia's European economic integration: Escapism and realities

Russia seeks closer economic ties with EU, and EU is enlarged with 10 new members. Against this background, what future Russia-EU economic relationship is realistic? The paper analyses the enlargement's effect on trade between Russia, “old” and “new” Europe's, changes in tariffs and non-tariff barriers, and institutional issues. The reasons why EU and Russia cannot co-operate closer are political (very difficult), economic (probably less difficult), and legal (very difficult on harmonization and dynamics). Political because of different, e.g. geopolitical objectives (mentioned at the end), economic (as reflected in the NTB-section, e.g.) and legal (the impossibility of an CEES).     

A Political Economy Approach to the Neoclassical Model of Transition

The neoclassical model of transition from a centrally-administered socialist economic system to a market-based economic system was implemented in Russia and Eastern Europe. The neoclassical process took the form of either shock therapy or gradualism. However, each approach actually involved a combination of shock therapy and gradualist policies, making the distinction between the two approaches unfounded. In addition, both approaches suffered by the innate inadequacies of neoclassical economic analysis as being politically/institutionally naked. Both shock therapy supporters and gradualist neoclassical economists did not provide a specific process of institutional development, favouring a gradual market-driven institutional outcome. With regard to the political structure, democracy was inconsistent with shock therapy, while active state intervention during transition was inconsistent with the ultimate goal of the gradualist neoclassical economists of competitive capitalism.     

Equilibrium exchange rates in transition countries: Evidence from dynamic heterogeneous panel models

We use a dynamic heterogeneous panel model to estimate real equilibrium exchange rates for advanced transition countries. Our method is based on out-of-sample estimations from middle-income and high-income countries, and we use a Pooled Mean Group estimator. We find that exchange rates in the Czech Republic, Poland, and Slovakia have converged in recent years with real equilibrium exchange rates expressed in the US dollars. Yet, in 2002, they were overvalued in Hungary but undervalued in Slovenia. We also find that the currencies of the transition countries studied, except Slovenia, were overvalued in 2002 if real effective exchange rates were used. In particular, the Hungarian currency was found to have the largest extent of misalignment.     

Economic freedom as driver of growth in transition

This paper reviews the political economy of economic growth in post-communist economies making the transition to free markets, focusing on the role of economic policy and institutions. We test the hypothesis that better institutions, measured in terms of economic freedom, contribute to growth. To begin with, the empirical results from the cross-section of transition economies confirm this hypothesis. Yet the question is deeper than that since there is an interactive effect between economic freedom and investment. The paper concludes that non-linearities are present in the growth model.     

Agricultural Prices in Transition Economies: The Case of Bulgaria and Slovenia1,2

The paper studies the extent to which the transition in agricultural prices has satisfactorily been implemented in Bulgaria and Slovenia and the degree to which actual prices reflect the equilibrium conditions of the market. In Bulgaria, a model in which the new and old regime can co-exist, was estimated using the Kalman filter while in Slovenia, a market clearing supply-demand model for each agricultural product is estimated. The quantitative results show that the liberalisation process in agricultural prices is implemented in Bulgaria in a satisfactory way. The way of price determination is shifting from a cost-based approach to a market clearing one. The conclusions for Slovenia suggest that, at least for the period studied, convergence to a market clearing economy, as measured by the state intervention, is not as rapid as desired.     

城市门禁社区兴起的深层机理

我国现代门禁社区是在社会经济转型的背景下出现的,并与西方门禁社区存在着诸多差异,特别是在流行的原因上,表现出明显的中国化特征。借鉴多种理论,从多个视角探讨了门禁社区在中国流行的深层的经济、社会、政治与文化机理。认为中国城市门禁社区的出现是由转型期特殊的社会生产关系所决定的,社会力量、经济力量、政府力量和个人力量共同推动着门禁社区的形成与发展。     

FDI spillovers and firm productivity during crisis: Empirical evidence from transition economies

Most studies on foreign direct investment (FDI) are nested within periods of economic prosperity. Our study investigates the impact of FDI spillovers on productivity during the global financial crisis (2006–2014) and the accompanying credit shortage. A dynamic panel analysis of firm-level data from two neighbouring but distinct transition economies, Croatia and Slovenia, reveals that the impact of the crisis may go as far as halting the process of learning through spillovers if firms have difficulties in accessing external funds. The implications of the study may prove particularly beneficial to policy makers grappling with the economic crisis following the COVID-19 pandemic.     

Donors and domestic politics: Political influences on foreign aid effort

The vast majority of scholarship on foreign aid looks at either the effectiveness of foreign aid or why particular countries receive aid from particular donors. This paper takes a different approach: what are the domestic sources of support for foreign aid? Specifically, how does the donor's domestic political and economic environment influence ‘aid effort’? This paper uses a time-series cross-sectional data set to analyze the influence of changes in political and economic variables. As governments become more conservative, their aid effort is likely to fall. Domestic political variables appear to influence aid effort, but only for aid to low income countries and multilaterals while aid effort to middle income countries in unaffected. This suggests that models solely emphasizing donor economic and international strategic interests as determinants of donor aid policy may be mis-specified. These results also suggest sources of aid volatility that might influence recipient growth prospects.     

Politics,Economic Provisioning,and Suffrage in St. Louis: What Women Said,What Men Heard

One of the enduring questions in history is why any group would choose to share power with another group. The granting of suffrage to American women in 1919 is one of those events in which we seek answers. I focus here on the diversity of women's economic provisioning functions, arguing that, because of that diversity, the granting of suffrage had more political benefits to the men in power and less political risks. The social provisioning status‐quo, which had been threatened by the feminist voices of the 19^th century, must have seemed to be back under the control of the men in power. In order to consider economic provisioning and politics more specifically, I study the economic profile of women and the political cost/benefit thinking of male legislators in St. Louis, Missouri.     

Bourgeoisie Out, Expertoisie In: The New Political Economies at Loggerheads

Part I of our paper pinpoints the “political” in the new political economies: first, the distinction between political, public, and civic economies that are almost invariably confused; second, the role of power politics, force, and fraud in determining income differentials in the name of market forces. Part II pinpoints the “new” in twentieth‐century political economies: first, the emergence of a fourth factor of production in addition to labor, capital, and land, whether identified with organization, knowledge, headwork, education, brainpower, management, or information; second, the subordination of capital to this new factor; third, the formation of a new social class based on its ownership; fourth, the struggle between the owners of capital and the new class for control over decision making and for the lion's share in distribution; fifth, the reliance on government to protect and advance the interests of the new class of professionals; and sixth, the eclipse of the old class struggle between bourgeoisie and proletarians by a new class struggle between managers and managed, executives and executants, “knows” and “know‐nots.” Part III pinpoints the “loggerheads” or sources of dissension between the “human capital” and post‐capitalist variants of the new political economies: first, over whether the expertoisie constitute a new social class or a fraction of the bourgeoisie; second, over whether the new economic order constitutes an advanced stage of capitalism or the advent of a post‐capitalist society; and third, whether the “knows” exploit the “know‐nots” through their monopoly of economic and political power. Why “political,” why “new,” and why “at loggerheads”? Our essay divides into three parts our tentative answers to these questions.     

The new regionalism in the Americas: a theoretical framework

This paper concerns the “new regionalism” of the last decade, as opposed to the “old regionalism” of the 1950s and 1960s. I first argue that the new regionalism is taking place in a world fundamentally different from that of the old regionalism, so that old-regionalism-theory is not necessarily relevant. I then present an explanation for why neighbors might integrate, relevant to why integration might occur in the Americas. This gives prominent roles to political economy, direct investment, and fundamental economic reform, and de-emphasizes the old trade creation versus trade diversion trade-off. It also implies a diversity of approaches to regional integration.     

Has transition improved well-being?

In this paper we examine trends in economic well-being in transition countries from 1988 to 2008 to determine whether the populations of transition countries are better off today than prior to the transition process. To do this, we examine economic performance, inequality-adjusted well-being measures, subjective well-being measures, and non-income dimensions of well-being. While for many of the transition countries some indicators of well-being show improvements compared to the pre-transition period, the sharp rise in inequality and low levels of social indicators and subjective well-being suggest that well-being in many countries is similar to, or even below, the levels experienced prior to transition. The only indicators which have shown consistent improvements are measures of political and civil liberties.     

Does Political Democracy Enhance Human Development in Developing Countries?

A bstract .   Despite the considerable progress of human development (HD) in developing countries (DCs) during recent decades, vast differences still remain among such countries. The question thus arises of why these divergences persist. This cross-national study uses a larger sample of DCs to offer necessary testing of the impact of democracy on HD. This study adopts new measures of democracy featuring majority rule and political contention to estimate their correlation with three physical well-being indicators as well as with three school enrollment indicators. After controlling for several macro-level political and economic characteristics (state revenue and economic growth), the regression modeling for recent data from the 1980s and 1990s showed that democracies indeed achieved higher levels on the HD indicators used here. However, democracy was not a powerful predictor of changes in HD scores during the analysis period. Neither central government health or educational spending significantly altered HD. The conclusions offer a plausible explanation of why democracy in DCs failed to sustain its momentum in improving HD.     

The political economy of international trade and factor mobility

Abstract. Free trade in goods and factors is efficient. When we move away from economic theory and consider the policies actually followed by governments, we observe distortions being implemented both on goods and factors trades. It is natural then to question the relative merits of the two types of intervention, and the normative literature has provided only partial answers. We ask then why is the international flow of goods and factors not free, and the political economy literature has looked at the two issues only separately. In studying the determination of trade policy, a theoretical paradigm has emerged, focusing on the role of influence driven contributions. This approach has also found strong empirical support. The literature on the political economy of factor mobility, on the other hand, is fragmented. Distortions in labor and capital flows are typically the subject of different studies, and only recently a unified framework has been proposed. More work has to be done in this area as well as in integrating the political economy of trade and factor movements.     

The politics of HRM: waiting for Godot in the Moroccan civil service

This study illustrates the fundamental importance of a political understanding in order to improve HRM in both public and private organizations. It complements studies that have found a statistical relationship between public staff management and economic growth by presenting a case study of Morocco, using the strategic human resource management (SHRM) model as a framework.

There are several reasons why HRM in the Moroccan civil service has stagnated, notably unfamiliarity with HRM models and the French administrative heritage. But the fundamental reason is Morocco's political system, where real power resides in the Palace, and where political actors are reluctant to take bold initiatives. Thus a focus on the management level is currently misplaced, and fundamental political action harnessing the authority of the Palace without disempowering other political actors is needed.

The study implies that a political analysis is sometimes a prerequisite for improving HRM in both public and private organizations.     

Repercussions of reunification: patterns and trends in the socio-economic transformation of East Germany

This article presents empirical evidence about the first stage of the social and economic transformation process of East Germany after political reunification. It shows that, while political and institutional unification may have been achieved in 1990, the social and economic gaps have been widening since then. The authors identify groups which have become clear winners in this transition as well as the losers.     

Women managers in Poland and the United States: a comparative analysis

This paper compares women managers in Poland and the United States in the context of their contrasting political and economic systems—the socialism of Central and Eastern Europe and the liberal democratic tradition of the West. We discuss the two political philosophies and their impact on gender roles and labour markets, and then compare this theory to the reality of Poland's transition. Finally, this background is used to analyse differences between Polish women managers and their American counterparts.     

Hong Kong: Inevitably irrelevant to China?

The protests in Hong Kong that took place in 2019 and are still ongoing in 2020 have attracted worldwide attention. This article presents an analysis of the relationship between Hong Kong and Mainland China through a number of different lenses, including past economic relations in financing, trade, capital flow, and renminbi (the Chinese currency) internationalisation, future economic relations against the background of China's growth model transition and global investment environment, and future political relations against the background of the China model under the leadership of President Xi Jinping. This article finds that Hong Kong has in the past mattered to Mainland China, may in the present matter to Mainland China to some extent, but in future may matter less or become irrelevant.     

Theory of social transformation,political transition and economic growth

In this paper, I develop a model of sociopolitical transition that links the sociopolitical transformational process of countries to the dynamic process of output per capita and economic growth. Social polarization breeds discriminatory practices regarding government redistribution. This brings about inefficient allocation of resources away from production to political power struggle, leading to poor economic outcomes. However, the model shows that social integrative processes may correct this inefficiency over time depending on the degree of social fractionalization, the level of social distance between the groups, the level of production technology, etc. Even though the model predicts long-run convergence of growth rates and output per capita across countries, it shows possible prolonged divergence of these economic variables.