多伦多－北京，十年

多伦多：追逐的爱十年前．那时我还在多伦多。哥哥计划处理掉那辆开了十几年的本田老车，和我一起买辆新车。我们最后选中的是本田的升级版．2万多加元。我们以3000加元的价格贱卖了本田，将Acura开回家。     

Housing prices in Metropolitan Toronto: An empirical analysis

This paper examines short-run fluctuations in real house prices in Metropolitan Toronto. We hypothesize that the average time that a house has been on the market before it is sold provides information on the expectation of future movements in real house prices. The paper combines the use of cross spectral analysis (in the frequency domain) with regression analysis (in the time domain) to examine the relationship between monthly real house prices and the average waiting times. In particular, we use a Hannan estimator to form a distributed lag function from the spectral analysis and use these results as an input to the regression model. The empirical findings support our use of waiting times as a proxy of future real house price movements.     

Governance Restructuring in Los Angeles and Toronto: Amalgamation or Secession?

Towards the end of the 1990s, a perplexing situation occurred in two large North American cities. In Toronto, Ontario, and Los Angeles, California, conservative political forces undertook to restructure the system of urban governance. While initiated by conservatives in both cases, in Toronto the result was consolidation; in Los Angeles secessionism is rampant. In both cases the political debate on amalgamation and secession is tied in with discourses on size, efficiency and form of urban government. In both cases, also, the shift from government to governance has been a central theme. This article investigates how local governance has changed in these two cities by comparing historical traditions of governance. Each city has a specific set of external relationships with other geographical and political scales and a set of characteristic internal contradictions. Internally, Los Angeles' tradition of splintered governance stands in contrast to Toronto's metropolitan governance model. Amalgamation and secession have been introduced as strategic options of governance restructuring in both cities in the late 1990s. Both (projected and realized) scalar changes of governance processes and institutions have been accompanied and characterized by social struggles and widespread political debate. The article outlines these debates and discusses the respective political alliances which have formed in both urban regions on the issue of amalgamation/secession. Vers la fin des années 1990, une situation troublante se produisit dans deux grandes villes d'Amérique du Nord: Toronto, en Ontario, et Los Angeles, en Californie. Les conservateurs y avaient entrepris de restructurer le système de gouvernance urbaine. Bien que l'initiative revienne aux mêmes forces politiques dans les deux cas, le résultat fut à Toronto une unification et à Los Angeles un sécessionnisme rampant. Dans les deux villes, le débat politique sur l'amalgamation et la sécession est lié aux discours sur la taille, l'efficacité et la forme d'un gouvernement urbain. De même, dans les deux villes, le passage de gouvernement à gouvernance s'est trouvé au centre des propos. Cet article recherche comment la gouvernance locale a évolué dans ces deux villes en comparant les traditions historiques. Chaque ville présente, d'une part, un ensemble particulier de relations extérieures avec d'autres échelles géographiques et politiques et, d'autre part, un ensemble de contradictions intérieures caractéristiques. Sur le plan intérieur, la tradition de gouvernance éclatée de Los Angeles s'oppose au modèle de gouvernance métropolitaine de Toronto. Vers la fin des années 1990, amalgamation et sécession ont été présentées dans les deux villes comme des options stratégiques pour la restructuration de la gouvernance. Les changements d'échelle –à la fois prévus et réalisés – concernant les processus et institutions de gouvernance ont été accompagnés et caractérisés par des conflits sociaux et un débat politique général. L'article expose ces discussions et aborde les alliances politiques respectives qui se sont formées dans les deux zones urbaines sur la question d'amalgamation/sécession.     

Policing Urban Natures: Conservation Officer Work in Ottawa and Toronto,Canada

Drawing on the results of interviews and access to information requests, we explore conservation officer work in two urban regions in one Canadian province (Ontario). Specifically, we examine the work of the federal‐level National Capital Commission (NCC) in Ottawa and the provincial‐level Toronto and Region Conservation Authority (TRCA). Applying Jessop, Brenner and Jones's model of socio‐spatial relations, we show how nature plays a different role in NCC and TRCA policing depending on the places their conservation officers work in, the kinds of territorial boundary maintenance in which they engage, the scaling of their activities in various jurisdictions, and the policing networks that they are part of. In assessing the place of nature in conservation officers' work, we contribute to debates about how the boundary between nature and the urban is produced through regulatory practices.     

Rescaling Social Reproduction: Childcare in Toronto/Canada and Stockholm/Sweden

The last two decades have witnessed the restructuring and rescaling of the welfare regimes consolidated in the postwar era. More is involved, however, than rollbacks justified by neoliberal globalization and engineered via downloading to subnational scales. States are also being pushed to assume new responsibilities for social reproduction as a result of the ‘care crisis’ stemming from the death of the male breadwinner/female caregiver family form. This article focuses on the interaction between national welfare regimes and subnational sites — namely two important urban nodes in Canada (Toronto) and Sweden (Stockholm) where changing gender relations began to disrupt post‐war patterns of social reproduction earlier than in the rest of their respective countries. Both cities experimented with childcare programs that posed a challenge to their respective national policy regimes. In one case, local mobilization contributed to a significant policy shift at the national scale whereas the other experiment, having failed to induce change in the national regime, found its very viability increasingly imperilled. Les deux dernières décennies ont vu la restructuration et le redimensionnement des régimes de protection sociale élaborés dans la phase d’après‐guerre. Pourtant, il ne s’agit pas seulement de réductions justifiées par une mondialisation néolibérale et opérées en se déchargeant sur les niveaux subnationaux. En effet, les Etats sont forcés d’assumer de nouvelles responsabilités à l’égard de la reproduction sociale, du fait de la ‘crise des soins’ provoquée par la disparition de la configuration familiale de l’homme‐soutien de famille et de la femme‐pourvoyeuse de soins. Cet article se consacre à l’interaction entre systèmes sociaux nationaux et sites subnationaux à savoir deux n?uds urbains, Toronto au Canada et Stockholm en Suède, où l’évolution des relations entre genres vient perturber les schémas de reproduction sociale de l’après‐guerre plus rapidement que dans le reste du pays. Ces villes ont expérimenté des programmes d’aide à l’enfance qui ont remis en cause leurs systèmes respectifs de politique publique nationale. Dans un cas, la mobilisation locale a contribuéà un important changement politique au plan national tandis que l’autre, n’ayant pas réussi à susciter d’évolution nationale, a vu sa viabilité de plus en plus menacée.     

Cross-Country Listing and Trading Volume: Evidence from the Toronto and Vancouver Stock Exchanges

This study investigates the effects of listing on the U.S. exchanges on trading volume for stocks listed on the two Canadian stock exchanges: the Toronto Stock Exchange (TSE) and the Vancouver Stock Exchange (VSE). The results show substantial differences between the two samples. When a TSE security is cross-listed, both trading volume and stock turnover, the number of shares traded as a percentage of number outstanding, almost double their pre-listing levels. In contrast, when a VSE stock is cross-listed, there is only a slight increase in trading volume and a sharp decline in turnover. The TSE is also able to maintain its pre-listing levels of trading volume in cross-listed securities, whereas the VSE loses about half the trading volume in these stocks to the U.S. exchanges. Even after controlling for the firm-specific factors, the Canadian exchange-specific factors remain the dominant factors in explaining the cross-sectional variation in liquidity effects. Neither the differences in trading costs nor in listing and disclosure requirements between the two exchanges explain these results.     

Rupture or Continuity? Modern and Postmodern Planning in Toronto

The literature on the transition to postmodernism, postfordism and participatory planning stresses the value of the economic and planning process shifts that have occurred in the late 1960s and early 1970s. This paper compares two periods of planning and urban development in Toronto: one running from 1959 to 1962, at the height of modernism, fordism and expert-driven planning, and the other, from 1989 to 1992, set within the postmodern, postfordist and participatory planning era. In line with expectations arising from the literature, the study reveals stark distinctions between the two periods. It documents the breaking up of the modern consensus around the progress ideology into a postmodern constellation of values. As a result, the range of issues debated on the planning scene was much broader over the second period than over the first. Overall, however, results point to a mixture of continuity and change between the two periods and thus diverge from this literature’s strong emphasis on transition. Contrary to expectations, citizen mobilization was pervasive in both periods, although there were major differences in the nature of activism and in the issues that were raised. Over the first period most activism originated from ratepayer organizations dedicated to the protection of single-family-home neighbourhoods from encroachments, whereas the second period featured, along with such associations, advocacy groups championing environmental and social causes. The two periods are also distinguished by different planning implementation capacities. Whereas in the first period, planning had the means to implement its visions, this was no longer the case in the second period. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, planning was thus incapable of aligning urban development with its environmental and social ideals, which meant that, by default, planning practice over the second period proceeded pretty much according to land-use and transportation principles evolved in the early postwar decades. In sum, distinctions between the two periods were far more evident in the discourse than in the implementation sphere. — Les recherches sur la transition vers le postmodernisme, le postfordisme et la planification participative soulignent la valeur des changements qui ont pris place à la fin des années soixante et au début des années soixante-dix. Cet article compare deux périodes de planification et de dévelopment urbain à Toronto: une qui va de 1959 à 1962, durant l’apogée du modernisme, du fordisme et de la planification contrôlée par les experts, et l’autre, de 1989 à 1992, à l’époque du postmodernisme, du postfordisme et de la planification participative. En accord avec les prévisions émanant des recherches, cette étude révèle des distinctions nettes entre les deux périodes. Elle documente le morcellement du consensus moderne autour l’idéologie du progrès et le changement en faveur d’une constellation de valeurs postmodernes. Il s’ensuit que le champ de problèmes discutés en relation avec la planification était beaucoup plus étendu durant la seconde période que durant la première. Dans l’ensemble, cependant, les résultats indiquent un mélange de continuité et de changement entre les deux périodes et divergent donc de la forte emphase sur la transition que l’on trouve dans les recherches. Contairement aux prévisions, la mobilisation des citoyens était omniprésente à Toronto pendant les deux périodes, mais il y avait des différences importantes quant à la nature de l’activisme et dans les problèmes soulevés. Durant la première période, la plus grande part de l’activisme provenait des organisations de contribuables vouées à la protection des quartiers d’habitations contre les empiètements, alors que la seconde période comprenait, en plus de ces organisations, des groupes de soutien aux causes de l’environnement et aux causes sociales. Les deux périodes sont également distinctes en termes de mise en oeuvre. Alors que dans la première période les urbanistes avaient les moyens de mettre leurs idées à exécution, ce n’était plus le cas dans la seconde. Vers la fin des années quatre-vingt et le début des années quatre-vingt-dix, la planification ne pouvait pas intégrer les développements urbains et ses idéaux sociaux et environnementaux. Par défaut, la pratique de la planification durant la seconde période a fonctionnée selon les principes d’utilisation des terrains et du transport développés dans les premières décennies de l’après-guerre. En somme, les différences entre les deux périodes sont beaucoup plus visibles au niveau du discours qu’au niveau de l’application.     

Locating the Urban In‐between: Tracking the Urban Politics of Infrastructure in Toronto

In the urban studies literature, urban politics is usually considered in two distinct locations: the city (often understood in quite conventional centralist ways) and the suburb (understood as spatially peripheral and politically at odds with the central city). At the metropolitan scale, the two types of urban politics are discussed in relation to one another. More recently, the metropolitan scale of urban politics has been expanded to regional dimensions. We pose the question of location of urban politics from a specific deficit in the geography of centre, suburb and metropolis. We argue that in today's regional political socio‐spatiality, politics will have to be found ‘in‐between’ the old lines of demarcation. Following Tom Sieverts' (2003) advice to look at the ‘in‐between’ cities that are neither old downtown nor new suburb but complex urban landscapes of mixed density, use and urbanity, we reveal the political vacuum that is at the heart of the urban region today. Using the politics of infrastructure in Toronto as our empirical example, we will show that vulnerabilities and risks for urban populations in that Canadian metropolis' in‐between city are co‐generated by the failure of conventional political spaces and processes to capture the connectivities threaded through those places that are in‐between the centre and exurbia.     

多伦多城市竞争力与房地产业关系研究

多伦多城市竞争力与房地产业发展具有互动关系.通过对这种互动关系的研究,可以发现,多伦多城市发展状况对房地产业有极其重要的影响,而房地产业发展又对增强城市竞争力发挥着不可替代的作用.多伦多城市发展历程可以对我国城市的发展提供诸多经验借鉴.     

Spaces of Difference: Reflections from Toronto on Multiculturalism,Bourgeois Urbanism and the Possibility of Radical Urban Politics

What explains the lack of what Mike Davis famously called ‘magical urbanism’— referring to the increasingly influential and potentially radical role played by Latino immigrants in US politics — in such diverse Canadian cities as Toronto, Montreal and Vancouver? This article points out how the Canadian legacy of multiculturalism constitutes one key cause of the failure of left urban politics in Canada to produce yet anything approaching the promise of ‘magical urbanism’ south of the border, especially by underlining how this bulwark of liberal ideology lends itself so readily to some resilient variations of bourgeois urbanism — including the commodification of difference, most recently under the auspices of Richard Florida's ‘creative class’. Against the pluralism of the food court and the shopping mall, both in its official multicultural and seemingly oppositional ‘hybrid’ forms, are radical approaches to difference in the city still possible — in Canada or elsewhere? The authors argue that the concepts of ‘maximal’ and ‘produced’ (vis‐à‐vis ‘minimal’ and ‘induced’) difference and the politics of ‘the right to the city’ elaborated by Henri Lefebvre — in conjunction with the reflections on subaltern experiences of difference by critics such as Himani Bannerji and Ambalavanar Sivanandan — indeed provide a starting point for radical urban politics. Comment expliquer, dans des villes canadiennes aussi différentes que Toronto, Montréal ou Vancouver, l’absence de ce que Mike Davis a appelé‘l’urbanisme magique’ en parlant du rôle de plus en plus influent, voire radical, des immigrants latinoaméricain dans la politique des États‐unis? L’héritage canadien du multiculturalisme explique d’abord pourquoi la politique urbaine de gauche n’a encore rien pu produire au Canada qui s’approcherait de la promesse d’un ‘urbanisme magique’ comme au sud de la frontière. L’article souligne notamment comment ce rempart d’idéologie libérale se prête si facilement à quelques variantes résistantes d’urbanisme bourgeois, dont la banalisation de la différence, tout récemment sous les auspices de la ‘classe créative’ de Richard Florida. Face au pluralisme de l’aire de restauration et du centre commercial, tous deux sous des formes ‘hybrides’ multiculturelles et aparemment contradictoires, des approches radicales de la différence dans la ville sont‐elles encore possibles, au Canada ou ailleurs? Les concepts de différence ‘maximale’ et ‘produite’ (par opposition à‘minimale’ et ‘induite’) et la politique du ‘droit à la ville’ conçue par Henri Lefebvre — alliés aux réflexions sur des expériences de différence subalternes émanant de critiques tels que Himani Bannerji et Ambalavanar Sivanandan — offrent indubitablement un point de départ pour une politique urbaine radicale.     

Territorial Stigmatization and Territorial Destigmatization: A Cultural Sociology of Symbolic Strategy in the Gentrification of Parkdale (Toronto)

Territorial stigmatization is one of the most powerful concepts for understanding how social, spatial and symbolic processes are intertwined in producing contemporary urban inequality. Through a detailed case study of Parkdale, a Toronto neighbourhood that has been profoundly shaped by its long association with poverty, single room occupancy housing and psychiatric survivors, this article works at the points of intersection between the rapidly expanding literature on territorial stigmatization and wider social scientific interest in gentrification‐led displacement. Drawing on archival research, participant observation and interviews with residents, it demonstrates how territorial stigmatization, and a new allied concept, territorial destigmatization, operate in Parkdale. Territorial stigmatization and destigmatization work across three dimensions: legal, material and discursive. Using conceptual tools from cultural sociology to foreground symbolic elements of these three dimensions, two strategies of territorial destigmatization are delineated: one that operates in concert with gentrification‐led displacement, and the other that works to symbolically reinscribe stigmatized persons and housing forms. To complement and sharpen territorial stigmatization research, recent findings from studies of stigma are integrated to show how psychiatric survivors and housing advocates in Parkdale use territorial destigmatization to offset gentrification‐led displacement.