Preventing the “Abuses” of Democracy: Hayek,the “Military Usurper” and Transitional Dictatorship in Chile?

Hayek famously claimed that he would prefer a “liberal” dictator to “democratic government lacking in liberalism.” While Hayek's views of the Pinochet regime have generated much controversy, surprisingly little has been written about Hayek's defense of transitional dictatorship. Making use of previously un‐translated foreign language archival material, this paper helps shed light on Hayek's views of authoritarianism, totalitarianism, transitional dictatorship, and the Pinochet regime as well as helping to separate Hayekian ‘fact’ from Hayekian ‘fiction’.     

SIR WALDRON SMITHERS AND THE LONG WALK TO FINCHLEY

The television drama ‘Margaret Thatcher: The Long Walk to Finchley’ has Sir Waldron Smithers strongly objecting to Thatcher's selection as a Conservative candidate prior to the 1950 General Election. It is more likely that Smithers would have found her a kindred ideological spirit: both shared an anti‐socialist commitment and admiration for Hayek's ‘The Road to Serfdom’.     

Loïc Wacquant's ‘Ghetto’ and Ethnic Minority Segregation in the UK: The Neglected Case of Gypsy‐Travellers

This article utilizes Loïc Wacquant's concept of the ghetto as an analytical tool in understanding the marginal and ambivalent position of Gypsy‐Traveller populations resident on sites (or camps) in Britain. The article argues that the fruitful work of quantitative urban scholars on ethnic segregation in the UK has neglected Gypsy‐Travellers. It suggests that the theoretical concept of the ghetto can elucidate the ways in which the spatial marginality of sites serves as a weapon of ‘confinement and control’ for the dominant, and an ‘integrative and protective device’ for the stigmatized Gypsy‐Traveller population. Drawing on qualitative empirical data, key characteristics in Wacquant's definition of the ghetto are shown to hold true for Gypsy‐Traveller sites; these include ethnic homogeneity, spatial confinement, shared cultural identity, mutual distancing and a retreat into the private sphere of the family. This comparison also reveals key differences in terms of economic function, parallel institutionalism and the relationship with the state. The article points to the potential offered by Wacquant's theory and suggests that the dismissal of the ghetto concept within the UK ignores its power as a tool of comparison. The article suggests that qualitative and theoretical approaches should seek to complement the work of quantitative social scientists through focusing on everyday social relations and encounters between ethnic minority groups and ‘host’ populations — both within and outwith residential boundaries. It also questions the urban‐centred focus of debates on ethnic segregation.     

HAYEK AND MARKET SOCIALISM: SCIENCE,IDEOLOGY AND PUBLIC POLICY1

F. A. Hayek's significant intellectual contribution to a number of scholarly disciplines was grounded in his critique of socialist economics. This article sets out how Hayek's critique of classical and market socialism led to the development of his wide‐ranging research programme in the social sciences and shows that the implications of this research programme remain crucial to academic research and public policy in the twenty‐first century.     

The glass menagerie of urban governance and social cohesion: concepts and stakes/concepts as stakes

Social goals and social action are increasingly framed by a host of ambiguously egalitarian notions. The ambiguity of notions like ‘social cohesion’ originates principally in the tentative accommodation of competition and social justice that former radical approaches considered in fundamental contradiction. The social cohesion terminology has become part of political realism and the question is whether such notions are or could be fuelling practices that promote social justice, overcoming the ambiguity/contradiction of the different/competing interpretations nebulously juxtaposed in their fluid definition. This article comments on interrelated ambiguities in the content of social cohesion, governance and tolerance starting with a reformulated goal (social cohesion) which necessitates new means of implementation (‘new governance’) that entail the dominance of non‐conflictual social relations (tolerance). Social cohesion, governance and tolerance are Janus‐faced concepts, full of restrictions and contradictions but also full of possibilities related to the mobilizing potential of their inherently positive meaning. Social cohesion and governance would become real stakes if radical discourse and politics tried to invest them with content and meaning that would effectively transgress their legitimating function of conservative social regulation, and create massive demand for more social justice both in terms of redistributive justice and of democracy. L'action et les objectifs sociaux sont de plus en plus conditionnés par une foule de notions soi‐disant égalitaires. L'ambiguîté de concepts tels que la cohésion sociale émane surtout de l'essai d'adaptation entre concurrence et justice sociale, considérées précédemment par les approches radicales comme fondamentalement contradictoires. La terminologie de la cohésion sociale s'est peu à peu intégrée au réalisme politique, mais il s'agit de savoir si de telles notions nourrissent ou pourraient nourrir des pratiques favorables à la justice sociale, en éliminant la contradiction/ambiguîté des interprétations diverses/concurrentes vaguement juxtaposées dans le flou des définitions. L'article étudie des ambiguïtés corrélatives contenues dans cohésion sociale, gouvernance et tolérance, en partant d'un objectif reformulé (cohésion sociale) nécessitant des moyens originaux de mise en uvre (‘nouvelle gouvernance’) porteurs de relations sociales non‐conflictuelles (tolérance). Ces trois notions à deux visages sont empreintes de restrictions et contradictions, mais aussi de possibilités liées au potentiel mobilisateur de leur sens intrinsèquement positif. Cohésion sociale et gouvernance deviendraient des intérêts réels si le discours radical et la politique s'efforçaient de leur donner des contenus et significations qui transgresseraient effectivement leur fonction justificative de régulation sociale conservatrice, et créeraient une demande massive pour davantage de justice sociale en termes de justice redistributive et de démocratie.     

CORPORATE SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY AND THE COMPANIES ACT 2006

The Companies Act 2006 enshrines in law the concept of ‘enlightened shareholder value’, a form of corporate social responsibility, in place of a director's traditional common law duty of loyalty. This article demonstrates that the conceptual foundations of the enlightened shareholder value approach are flawed, resulting in a confusing compromise, with potentially damaging efficiency consequences.     

‘Gentrification Without Displacement' and the Consequent Loss of Place: The Effects of Class Transition on Low‐income Residents of Secure Housing in Gentrifying Areas

The increasingly disputed concept of gentrification‐induced displacement is combining with the argument that the poor benefit from social mix to produce a theoretical case for ‘positive gentrification'. The notion that new middle‐class residents not only attract more investment but bring opportunities for ‘upward social mobility' to low‐income people who manage to stay in gentrifying areas has become policy orthodoxy. While there are scholarly challenges to the extent of these benefits, the disadvantages of imposed social mix on low‐income communities even where they are not physically displaced remain under‐researched. This article helps to fill this gap by reporting on research into the experience of long‐term low‐income residents of gentrifying neighbourhoods who managed to stay put. The research explores notions of social mix, place and displacement among residents of secure community housing in Melbourne, Australia (the equivalent of small‐scale social housing in Europe and North America) with the object of establishing whether the absence of physical displacement is sufficient to ameliorate gentrification's negative impacts. The findings demonstrate that transformations in shops and meeting places, and in the nature of local social structure and government interventions, cause a sense of loss of place even without physical displacement.     

Solidarity in Climate/Immigrant Justice Direct Action: Lessons from Movements in the US South

In October of 2012, youth organizers from the immigrant justice and climate change resistance movements in the southeastern US metropolitan region of Atlanta, Georgia, coordinated a direct action tactic framed by a unified narrative justifying collaboration between immigrant and climate justice activists on equal terms. In a continuing collaborative relationship, these organizers embraced mutually strategic narratives rooted in local civil rights history, but rejected common ‘global climate justice’ narratives used to frame social and environmental collaborative organizing. We examine the departure from ‘global climate justice’ narratives, which was exemplified by coalition building in Georgia, to argue that scholarship articulating ‘global climate justice’ as a new context for integrating social and environmental movements must anticipate barriers to these solidarities, especially historical, regional and racialized dynamics of power among organizations engaged in these developing alliances. Based on an investigation of strategic alliances between anti‐racist, immigrant justice organizers and climate change activists in the metropolitan areas of Atlanta and Athens, Georgia, we argue that climate justice narratives in both activism and scholarship would benefit from more attention to the particular political and cultural geographies in which diverse forms of climate justice organizing can take hold.     

Dubai in the ‘Middle’

In the early 2000s, Dubai seemed the apotheosis of the global city model. Lauded as an embodiment of globalist ideals, or harshly criticized as a representation of the dangers of contemporary urbanism, it was clearly under the spotlight. Then, like the concept of the ‘global city’ itself, it disappeared from the headlines, to be subject only to sporadic and cynical attention. Today some are heralding a ‘return’ of Dubai from the anonymity of the middle ground of global city hierarchies and rankings. What is often forgotten, however, is that urbanism in Dubai did not stop. On the contrary, Dubai's continuous ‘worlding’ offers a productive opportunity for the encounter of ‘global’ and ‘ordinary’ modes of urban analysis. By unpacking the construction of a global Dubai, this article advocates greater sensitivity to the multiscalar politics that shape its continuity. Stepping beyond rumours of crisis and decline, it aims to connect the global fortunes and everyday processes that jointly characterize the development of global cities. ‘Global’ and ‘ordinary’ urbanism, it argues, are but two registers of how we could, in Warren Magnusson's words, ‘see like a city’.     

Urban poverty and marginalization under market transition: the case of Chinese cities

Rapid urban growth in China has been accompanied by rising social inequality and marginalization of disadvantaged social groups such as laid‐off workers of the state‐owned enterprises and rural migrants. The Chinese government has officially acknowledged the existence of ‘marginal groups’ and prioritized combating the new urban poverty as an urgent task to eliminate the root of potential social instability. This article proposes the concept of ‘poverty of transition’ from the institutional change perspective to examine how the ‘new’ urban poverty is created by the disjuncture between the old and new institutions. Specifically, the poverty of transition suggests that the main cause of the new poverty is structural, i.e. economic restructuring and the release of redundant workers previously hidden inside the workplace, and the increasing migrant population who are excluded from the formal urban institutions. A sizable underclass is now under formation in the sense that they are institutionally detached from mainstream urban society. To close the disjuncture between the marketization of labourers and the transition in welfare provisions requires more than just a policy of poverty relief; instead it requires a fundamental vision of the new ‘citizenship’ in the Chinese city. En Chine, la rapide croissance urbaine s'est accompagnée d'une aggravation de l'inégalité sociale et d'une marginalisation des groupes sociaux défavorisés tels que les ex‐employés des entreprises nationalisées et les migrants ruraux. Le gouvernement a officiellement reconnu l'existence de ‘groupes marginaux’ et annoncé comme une priorité la lutte contre la nouvelle pauvreté urbaine afin d'éliminer cette source potentielle d'instabilité sociale. L'article propose le concept de ‘pauvreté de transition’ dans une perspective d'évolution institutionnelle, afin d'examiner comment la ‘nouvelle’ pauvreté urbaine naît de la rupture entre institutions anciennes et nouvelles. Notamment, ce concept suggère que la cause première de la nouvelle pauvreté est structurelle, autrement dit émane de la restructuration économique et du dégagement des ouvriers en surnombre précédemment dissimulés sur leur lieu de travail, ainsi que de la population migrante croissante, exclue des institutions urbaines officielles. Une classe inférieure considérable est en cours de formation au sens que ses membres sont isolés institutionnellement de la société urbaine normale. Combler cette rupture entre la marchandisation des ouvriers et la transition des mesures sociales exige, davantage qu'une simple politique publique d'aide aux pauvres, une vision fondamentale de la nouvelle ‘citoyenneté’ dans les villes chinoises.     

From Taken‐for‐Granted to Explicit Commitment: The Rise of CSR in a Corporatist Country

This article contributes to a thriving line of research that examines issue interpretation and social accounts in order to study the adoption and diffusion of organizational concepts and management practices. It employs the empirical example of the rise of corporate social responsibility (CSR) in Austria between 1990 and 2005 to investigate the complex role institutional pressures and social positions of actors play in the local adoption of globally theorized ideas. More specifically, the study reveals distinct patterns in rhetorical CSR adoption that illustrate the initial hesitation and reluctance of an established elite in the Austrian business community towards the Anglo‐American notion of ‘explicit’ CSR, while non‐elite actors who were less favourably positioned in the social order readily embraced the concept. It is in such a sense that CSR is nevertheless instrumentalized to challenge, reinterpret, or explicitly evoke the autochthonous idea of institutionalized social solidarity. Conceptually, this research takes into account social structure, actors' positions in the social order, and resulting divergent adoption motivations – i.e. the individual, yet socially derived, relevance systems of actors – and relates these to mechanisms and processes of institutional change.     

Community Leadership and the Construction of Political Legitimacy: Unpacking Bourdieu's ‘Political Capital’ in Post‐Apartheid Johannesburg

Apart from local monographs and normative texts on community participation, research on community leadership constitutes a blind spot in urban leadership, urban politics, social movements and urban studies. This article, based on case studies in post‐apartheid Johannesburg, contributes to theorizing community leadership, or informal local political leadership, by exploring Bourdieu's concepts of ‘political capital’ and ‘double dealings’. Considering community leaders as brokers between local residents and various institutions (in South Africa, the state and the party), we examine how leaders construct their political legitimacy, both towards ‘the bottom’ (building and maintaining their constituencies), and towards ‘the top’ (seeking and sustaining recognition from fractions of the party and the state). These legitimation processes are often in tension, pulling community leaders in contradictory directions, usefully understood under Bourdieu's concept of ‘double dealings’. Community leaders are required, more than formally elected political leaders, to constantly reassert their legitimacy in multiple local public arenas due to the informal nature of their mandate and the high level of political competition between them — with destructive consequences for local polity but also the potential for increased accountability to their followers. We finally reflect on the relevance of this theoretical framework, inspired by Bourdieu, beyond South African urban politics.     

Spaces of the Expelled as Spaces of the Urban Commons? Analysing the Re‐emergence of Squatting Initiatives in Rome

Asserting the need to acknowledge the role of the current crisis and austerity politics in fostering the re‐emergence of squatting initiatives in Rome, this article brings together the literature on squatting as an urban social movement, notably Martínez López's holistic approach, with a political economy perspective analysing the current stage of ‘late neoliberalism’. In so doing, I use the conceptualization of ‘expulsions’ developed by Sassen to show how emerging squatting initiatives in Rome represent the ‘spaces of the expelled’. Focusing on the case of Communia in San Lorenzo neighbourhood, the article shows how Martínez López's approach is able to account for the rapid success and support enjoyed by Communia, going as it does beyond the ‘single‐issue’ perspective that has dominated much of the squatting literature. Indeed, the main claims addressed by Communia activists concern a plurality of issues grouped around the concept of urban commons, as both a practice and a goal. Methodologically, the article is the result of 18 months of fieldwork based on an activist/participatory action research (PAR) approach, comprising participant observation/observant participation, in‐depth interviews and questionnaires.     

Promising Futures: CMS,Post‐Disciplinarity,and the New Public Social Science

This paper considers the future prospects for Critical Management Studies and by extension management studies more generally. To explore these, two frameworks from the wider social sciences are deployed. The anchorpoint for the discussion is Michael Burawoy's work distinguishing types of scholarship on the bases of (a) conceptions of knowledge produced by social scientists, and (b) different audiences for that knowledge. Critical Management Studies is founded on critique but its future will be determined by how it makes its way across Burawoy's other domains of professional, policy and public scholarship. To examine this, I draw on John Brewer's recent articulation of the ‘new public social science’. Brewer's problem‐driven, post‐disciplinary approach conceives the public value of social science as its conservation of moral sentiments and sympathetic imagination towards each other as social beings, and its ethical concern about the humanitarian future of humankind. The new public social science is normative and partisan, transgressive, scientific, and impactful. I argue that this provides a potentially fruitful template to guide future management studies. This is a future in which Critical Management Studies – as management studies' critical and emancipatory conscience – has a central role to play.     

The politics of ethnic integration in Singapore: Malay ‘regrouping’ as an ideological construct

Research on ethnic residential patterns is overwhelmingly empiricist in focus. The discursive context surrounding the socio‐spatial phenomenon needs to be acknowledged since it can have concrete impacts on the practice of urban social planning as well as the spatial behaviour of individuals and groups. Using Henri Lefebvre's insights into the production of social space, this article looks at how a dominant representation of space is constructed, with its implications for ‘lived’ spaces and the spatial practices which circumscribe them. The case of Singapore is examined, where the government has appropriated the discourse surrounding ‘ethnic regrouping’ in an attempt to legitimize the unpopular policy of ethnic quotas in public housing. Alleging that ‘ethnic regrouping’ had been taking place during the 1980s, this was portrayed as undesirable and contrary to the ideal of integration. The imposition of ethnic quotas was thus justified as necessary and appropriate. Systematic analysis using the index of dissimilarity, however, problematizes this representation of space. The rhetoric surrounding ethnic regrouping is revealed to be a means of social discipline whereby the government imposes a particular representation of space and seeks to manipulate the social landscape via technocratic means. Les recherches sur les modèles résidentiels ethniques débordent d'empirisme. Or, le contexte discursif du phénomène socio‐spatial doit être reconnu puisque celui‐ci peut avoir des incidences tangibles sur l'exercice de l'urbanisme social, ainsi que sur le comportement des individus et groupes dans l'espace. A partir des idées d'Henri Lefebvre sur la production de l'espace social, l'article analyse comment s'élabore une représentation dominante de l'espace, avec ses implications sur les espaces ‘vécus'et les pratiques spatiales qui les délimitent. Dans le cas de Singapour, le gouvernement s'est approprié le discours autour du ‘regroupement ethnique’ dans le but de légitimer la politique impopulaire des quotas ethniques dans les logements publics. Sous le prétexte que le ‘regroupement ethnique’ s'était déroulé dans les années 1980, il a été présenté comme indésirable et contraire à l'idéal d'intégration. Les quotas ethniques ont donc été justifiés comme nécessaires et pertinents. Cependant, une analyse systématique utilisant l'indice de dissemblance remet en cause cette représentation de l'espace. La rhétorique entourant le regroupement ethnique apparaît comme un outil de discipline sociale grâce auquel le gouvernement impose une représentation particulière de l'espace, cherchant à manipuler le paysage social par des moyens technocratiques.     

A number‐of‐modes reference rule for density estimation under multimodality

We consider kernel density estimation for univariate distributions. The question of interest is as follows: given that the data analyst has some background knowledge on the modality of the data (for instance, ‘data of this type are usually bimodal’), what is the adequate bandwidth to choose? We answer this question by extending Silverman's idea of ‘normal‐reference’ to that of ‘reference to a Gaussian mixture’. The concept is illustrated in the light of real data examples.     

Impact at the ‘Bottom of the Pyramid’: The Role of Social Capital in Capability Development and Community Empowerment

Rooted in the notion of inclusive capitalism, the Bottom‐of‐the‐Pyramid (BoP) approach argues for the simultaneous pursuit of profit and social welfare by creating markets for the poor. This idea has been both celebrated and criticized in the literature. We do neither in this paper. Instead, by leveraging insights from Amartya Sen's work on capability development and the literature on social capital, we offer a more socially embedded and community‐centric BoP approach. By redefining poverty not just as a lack of income, but also as a lack of ‘capabilities’ in Sen's sense that can be developed through leveraging social capital, we offer a systemic framework for understanding the societal impact of business‐driven ventures in the BoP and empowering BoP communities through these ventures. Specifically, we argue that any business initiative in the BoP ought to be evaluated on the basis of whether it advances capability transfer and retention by (a) enhancing the social capital between a particular community and other more resource rich networks, and (b) preserving the existing social capital in the community.     

Pay fairness and intrinsic motivation: the role of pay transparency

The fairness of managerial pay can be judged in terms of its distributive justice properties (‘is my pay fair when compared to others’) and its procedural justice properties (‘is my pay fairly determined’). While both types of justice have been studied extensively in the organizational literature, their relative importance in predicting work-related outcomes is still open to debate. In this paper, we provide field evidence that the relationship between pay justice and managers' intrinsic motivation is moderated by pay transparency, which is the extent to which managers know each other's pay levels. In a homogeneous sample of 139 Slovenian bank managers, we find that procedural justice is a better predictor of intrinsic motivation when pay transparency is low, and that distributive justice is a better predictor of intrinsic motivation when pay transparency is high. These findings that are congruent with fairness heuristic theory (Van den Bos, Lind, Vermunt and Wilke 1997a) suggest the importance of considering pay transparency for understanding and designing fair managerial pay systems.     

Making ‘Global Sydney’: Spatial Imaginaries,Worlding and Strategic Plans

This article critically examines the expression of global spatial imaginaries in urban policy and planning. Following recent calls to understand how the global is ‘made up' in and through cities, we argue for the usefulness of Roy and Ong's concept of ‘worlding’. By analysing how strategic spatial plans envisage ‘Global Sydney’, the article reveals a constitutive spatial imaginary informed by the articulation of three interrelated elements: global city standards, comparative techniques and extra‐local policy models. Unpacking how cities are selectively worlded through spatial imaginaries, the article advances an approach to urban globality as actively cultivated and differentially produced.     

Categorizing Neighborhoods: The Invention of ‘Sensitive Areas’ in France and ‘Historic Districts’ in the United States

This essay offers a reflexive return to two research projects to demonstrate the value of Bourdieu's emphasis on the symbolic for the analysis of contemporary urban transformation. Bourdieu's insistence that we track the social genesis and diffusion of spatial categories of thought and action directs us to the empirical study of the struggles between agents and organizations that promote and/or oppose these categories, as well as the political, economic and other interests animating the agents. A retracing of the parallel invention of the ‘at‐risk neighborhood’ (quartier sensible) coined for and targeted by French urban policy since the late 1980s and the emergence of ‘historic’ or ‘diverse’ neighborhoods touted by gentrifying residents, cultural organizations and real estate agents in the United States since the 1960s challenges misleading oppositions between materiality and representations that often underpin and cramp urban research.