The impact of black mayors on the black community: The case of New Orleans’ ernest morial

Conclusion Dutch Morial is deeply respected by the New Orleans black community. According to a poll conducted in April 1983 by Rose-Stekler Associates, 80% of the black respondents gave Morial “excellent” or “good” job ratings, compared to only 11% who found him doing a “fair” or “poor” job. Despite very limited resourses, the Morial mayoralty has facilitated the entrance of the black middle class into the governmental process, providing access to city contracts and administrative positions. On the other hand, the black underclass has received meager rewards in the form of employment or a reduction in police brutality. Hopefully, economic development, in the long-run, will create jobs and provide additional city revenue to fund services for the poor. But for now, the primary impact of a black mayor on the black community of New Orleans has been symbolic kinds of benefits. Yet the potential positive benefits of a black mayor serving as a role model for black youth, as well as the value of civil rights rhetoric in fostering hopefulness and a more self-reliant black community, should not be underestimated. The characterization of the status of the civil rights movement in 1983 offered by C. T. Vivian, head of the Anti-Klan Network, well applies to New Orleans black community today: “Everything has changed and nothing has changed. The statistics are still terrible. But the atmosphere is totally different.”⁴⁹     

Big philanthropy and the funding of black organizations

Conclusion The general overview of foundation giving to promote black interests and the specific look at the Ford-MARC relationship support the notion that few foundation grants will go to “controversial” or “political” projects. The Peterson Commission estimated that only three percent of all private foundation grants are “innovative” and an even smaller percentage are “politically controversial.” Most often, these projects usually become controversial after the grant is made. A 1971 Urban League study revealed that grants for human services made by private foundations to black and Spanish-speaking communities were disproportionately low when measured in terms of the per capita needs of the minority population. Nevertheless, it is unrealistic to expect Ford, Rockefeller Brothers, Mott, or Carnegie to redistribute income or become the “cutting edge of social change”.     

The origin,birth, and adolescence of the review of black political economy and the black economic research center

The Review of Black Political Economy (RBPE) and the Black Economic Research Center (BERC) arose from the atmosphere of the late sixties, when black nationalism was at its apex and vigorous efforts were under way to give meaning to the concepts of “black economic development” and “black capitalism.” They were created as vehicles to assist black economists and economic activists to analyze and disseminate relevant data on black economic affairs and to explore and facilitate new approaches to black economic problems.RBPE offered black economists a place where they could publish their work and share it with their colleagues. The flavor ofRBPE has changed somewhat over its twenty-three year life, becoming less polemical and more scholarly.     

Surplus people and expendable children: The structure of apartheid and the mortality crisis in South Africa

South Africa’s apartheid scheme is considered as a paradigm case for the creation and maltreatment of a putatively surplus population. Both active and passive policies are identified that are utilized to contain the numbers of the black population of the nation. Of particular significance is a strategy of neglect that has led to exceptionally high infant and child mortality rates in the “homelands.” In addition, the South African authorities’ efforts to destabilize neighboring regimes in Angola and Mozambique has had similarly adverse repercussions on mortality rates there.     

The role of housing vouchers in baltimore city,Maryland

In Baltimore City, the relative well-being of black and white families using Section 8 housing vouchers versus Section 8 housing certificates is compared. Logistic regression is used to examine whether the social and economic characteristics of a regional planning district play a significantly different role in the likelihood that a district will have voucher or certificate recipients. A second analysis examines the average monthly rent paid by blacks and whites for housing in the certificate and voucher programs. The results suggest that whites receive greater economic benefits in the voucher program than in the certificate program while blacks do not. This article is based on a paper entitled /’’ The Impact of Housing Vouchers on the Black Family,” which was funded by the Baltimore Urban League and presented at the National Conference of Political Scientist, March 1989.     

Implications of revenue sharing for black political and economic goals

Conclusions Thus far urban development has been subject to the “regulation” of forces generated by the market economy. Such planning as has existed has been overwhelmed by the dynamics of market forces, perverted priorities, political fragmentation and economic differentiation. The joint goals of removing the “crisis” elements of urban growth and of expanding black political potential have provided the framework in which we have analyzed revenue sharing. We have analyzed the specific Nixon and Mills proposals as well as the general idea of revenue sharing, and compared revenue sharing proposals to present Federal aid to state and local governments.     

Racial differences in consumer expenditure patterns, 1972–73

Summary and Conclusion In this paper, we have endeavored to analyze black-non-black differences in expenditure patterns as revealed by the 1972–73 BLS Consumer Expenditure Interview Survey Summary. Specific data shortcomings have been noted above. In addition, however, possible black-non-black differences in the propensity to misreport or withhold information may have affected the reliability of our findings. With these limitations in mind, the evidence of the survey data points to a main conclusion, namely, that although the “average” black consumer unit tended to spend a larger proportion of its after-tax income than the “average” non-black unit-just as the well-known stereotype implies-the statistical model underlying our analysis suggests that black consumer units with the same “characteristics” (after-tax income, family size, regional location, as well as the same age, education, and retired-nonretired status of family head) as the average non-black units tended to spend a smaller-not larger-proportion of their income than did the “comparable” non-black units. In addition, the model suggests that if Blacks maintained their own average characteristics but had the same “consumer behavior” as non-blacks, their APSp would rise substantially.     

Labor market racial discrimination against black women

Conclusion The data we have reviewed describe black women as having achieved parity with white women and indicate that this conclusion is not seriously affected after controlling for the direct and indirect effects of differences in time worked. However, the economic position of black women is not uniform throughout the economy. Black women have advanced primarily in public sector jobs and these advances have been made primarily by the youngest cohorts. Progress in the private sector has been much slower. Claims that a “new labor market” exists for black women ought to be carefully qualified, for their progress is impressive primarily when they are compared to white women—another disadvantaged group. Both groups of women are falling farther behind men in terms of relative earnings.16 Furthermore, it may be quite erroneous to interpret small differences in earnings between black and white women as evidence that black women do not suffer racial discrimination, as the following example illustrates.     

An alternative to Marshall: Economic history and applied economics at the early LSE

Conclusion The LSE in its early years did not produce a “school of economics” in the sense that Marshall's Cambridge constituted a “school.” English historical economics was too diffuse, too lacking in strong leadership, too untheoretical, and too committed to economic history as a discipline to create such a “school.” The special contribution of the LSE in the pre-war period was certainly not in theory, since one of the chief reasons for it being an alternative to Marshall's school of orthodoxy was that it paid relatively little attention to economic theory during this period. Rather, its alternative economics was its central conception that the economist'sraison d'etre was to solve pressing contemporary problems for which orthodox theory seemed to offer little guidance. Thus its teachers and curriculum, assembled by Hewins and the Webbs, emphasized applied subjects and economic history.     

Regional integration in East Asia. From market-driven regionalisation to institutionalised regionalism?

Conclusions The analyses have shown that ESACs unprecedented emergence in world trade and capital transactions has been accompanied by a growing share of intra-area transactions. At least for the goods sector, the evidence is clear. Intra-area transactions grew faster than those to the rest of world, and the latter rose faster than world trade. Given this “double growth” performance, there was no trade diversion in the static zero sum meaning. Driving forces of fast growing intra-area transactions were basically internal conditions, such as “natural” trading partnership (geographical and cultural proximity, size, and complementarity in resource endowment and production structure), rising income levels fostering intra-industry trade, the economic opening of China, and unilateral liberalisation of trade and capital transactions on a non-discriminatory basis. It cannot be denied that external factors as protectionism and recession in non-Asian OECD countries have also contributed to this performance. Yet, it seems safe to assume that even without the US and European recession in the early eighties and early nineties and without the spread on non-tariff barriers, intraarea transactions would have received sufficient fuels from the internal factors to grow more rapidly than transactions with the rest of the world.¹⁷ Furthermore, a base effect of a low initial level of intra-area trade cannot be neglected.     

Economic and social conditions of blacks in New York during reconstruction

Summary At a time when, despite Affirmative Action Goals, we still have great difficulty in making employers accountable before the law for overt acts of discrimination, it is well to recall the doughty struggle of the state’s Blacks versus employers. At a time when health services for inner-city residents continue to be worse than provisions for other citizens, it is well to remember that even in the last century “the conditions of sickness and mortality” were “not the same for the white and for the colored races,” and destitution among Blacks in New York City accounted for some 37 percent of the illnesses among Blacks in that area. At a time when realtors and boards of education still effectively put up barriers to ordinary social relations between whites and Blacks it is well to remember that even after the passage of the Fourteenth Amendment Blacks were powerless to cause any major breach in public constraints to their mobility. Blacks have been powerless for a long time to make legislated freedom subserve their economic and social goals, and this is an important reminder to those who would reapply the methods of the past in attempts to fulfill today the normal economic expectations of citizens of the Republic.     

Rhonda M. Williams: Competition, race, agency, and community

As the United States approaches the twenty-first century… in an information-based, transnational and managerial economy, it is becoming increasingly apparent that if we do not better negotiate race and ethnicity in our society, we will not adequately solve the problems of economic inequality and discrimination. Racial and/or ethnic divisions and competition shape our efforts to understand and challenge hierarchy and inequity. As long as we ignore those issues, we cannot solve the problems of poverty, unemployment, and crime, nor effect productive job creation and economic justice. Absent a cultural and economic reckoning with racism’s legacies, we will fail to revitalize our cities and to recover from the socioeconomic costs of “ending welfare as we knew it.” Although masked behind pronouncements of a “color-blind” society, unfinished racial business weakens our national will to provide one another the portfolio of social and economic rights essential to the sustenance of humane community in the post-industrial global economy. (Nembhard and Williams 1998).     

Consumer discrimination,duopoly, and black firm entry: The welfare effect of subsidies

Consumer discrimination, to the extent that it lowers expected profit for black owned firms, discourages the entry of new black firms. From a social welfare perspective, consumer discrimination may be welfare reducing, since market output is lower than otherwise. If so, a policy intervention that subsidizes new black firms may improve social welfare. This article presents a simple model of duopoly where consumer discrimination exists with uncertainty, and the only cost of production is a “loss of sales” cost. Given the Nash equilibrium, in which a black and white firm must select a price to charge, conditions are derived for which a profit subsidy to a new black firm increases, decreases, or has no effect on social welfare.     

A crumbling legacy: The decline of African American insurance companies in contemporary America

African American insurance companies, since the 1960s, have experienced a significant decline in their profitability and stature. Because of recent racial desegregation, which in an economic sense consists of white-controlled businesses and black consumers increasing their interaction with each other, black insurers are waging an increasingly difficult struggle to survive. It appears the only way African American insurance companies can counteract this disturbing trend is to voluntarily merge into one “mega” company. Such a maneuver would empower consolidated black insurers to better serve African American consumers and to make definitive inroads in cultivating the burgeoning African consumer market.     

Federal government policies and the “housing quotient” of black american families

The “housing quotient"—the condition of and access to housing—is defined for black American families and is examined in conjunction with the major relevant federal policies and programs. Policies considered include fair housing and the national urban policy. Programs examined include public housing and rental assistance. The lack of data constrains the completeness of the analysis, although certain programs seem to enroll blacks in disproportion to the rest of the population. The paper concludes that blacks currently are served by all federal programs, even though many programs historically have failed to live up to their potential to assist blacks.     

Consumerism in the ghetto

Summary The preceding sections have traced the major barriers faced by innercity consumers in achieving their “consumer rights.” Many such barriers such as lower levels of formal education necessary to evaluate complex product offerings-are only quantitatively different from those faced by middle class white consumers. The major thesis, however, has been that a great many barriers are in fact qualitatively different from those of the middle class. In effect, the data permit the conclusion that inner-city consumers live in what might be called a “culture of consumer poverty” which requires different understanding and different solutions than apply to middle class cultures.     

Cognitive skills, test scores, and social stratification: The role of family and school-level resources on racial/ethnic differences in scores on standardized tests (AFQT)

Conclusion  In this paper I ahve shown that scores on the AFQT are a function of family and school level material resources and investments on individual development. The AFQT is not a measure of “intelligence (IQ),” “ability,” or “cognitive skills.” The AFQT is in large part a measure of access to material resources, social investments, and exposure to the values, experiences, and networks of the white upper middle class.     

Race and cesarean delivery in Florida

At a time when the Clinton Administration has set a goal of eliminating racial disparities in health by the year 2010, medical experts are struggling to understand one of the most glaring, and least talked about, disparities of all: death in childbirth. In a study made public this spring, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in Atlanta reported that black women in the U.S. were nearly four times as likely to die during delivery, or shortly thereafter, as white women. The disparity, which has remained about the same for the last four decades, holds true even for women who … are middle class and have health insurance. The findings … have renewed interest among scientists and legislators in a problem that many peoole think no longer exists … Dr. David Satcher, the United States Surgeon General, (says) “the disparity is important. In this country, we have a certain standard of expectation about the risk of women dying in pregnancy, and black women are off the scale right now.” (Sheryl Gay Stolberg, “Black Mothers' Mortality Rate Under Scrutiny,” Front Page, 8 Aug. 1999 New York Times)     

Public Procurement and Foreign Direct Investment Across France,Germany, Italy and the UK

Foreign direct investment (FDI) has become an important factor of economic development during the last decades. FDI contributes to the economic growth of the host economy through learning, diffusion of technology, positive externalities and capital inflows. Attracting FDI is currently an objective in its own right for many countries and this paper aims to identify policies affecting the multinational firm’s decision to establish a subsidiary. After accounting for labour productivity and trade openness, cross-section analysis, both industry-wise and country-wise, indicates that public procurement, especially “buy national” policies, and agglomeration economies are statistically significant determinants of FDI. Although our findings pertain to four large European economies, e.g. France, Germany, Italy and the UK, they constitute relevant policy guidelines for developing countries as well.      

Exchange-Rate Policies in Emerging Countries: Eleven Empirical Regularities From Latin America and East Asia

In this paper I discuss some of the most important lessons on exchange-rate policies in emerging markets during the last 35 years. The analysis is undertaken from the perspective of both the Latin American and East Asian nations. Some of the topics addressed include: the relationship between exchange-rate regimes and growth, the costs of currency crises, the merits of “dollarization,” the relationship between exchange rates and macroeconomic stability, monetary independence under alternative exchange-rate arrangements, and the effects of the recent global “currency wars” on exchange rates in commodity exporters.