社会公平是构建和谐社会的关键

社会公平是社会主义和谐社会的重要特征,是社会主义本质的内在诉求。在我国经济社会发展的关键时期,社会公平问题摆在了经济社会发展更加突出的位置,并成为推进和谐社会建设的一项十分重要的举措。社会公平的内涵是四大公平：权利公平、机会公平、规则公平、分配公平。我国的公平问题突出表现为贫富差距悬殊,这已成为影响改革与发展的重大社会政治问题。我国出现贫富差距悬殊的主要原因在于我国社会深层运行机制尚不健全,使一部分人能够投机钻营,非法、违法经营和权力资本化,造成不合理的贫富分化,导致社会贫富差距悬殊。创造性地运用“效率优先,兼顾公平”原则,是我们进一步解决贫富差距悬殊问题的根本保证。提高国民经济总体水平,大力发展生产力,是解决贫富悬殊问题的根本途径。     

试论社会转型期农民的非制度政治参与

当前中国农村社会转型过程中最突出的政治现象是农民的非制度政治参与。它源于农村经济体制改革,与农村传统政治思想、历史文化积淀、自然地理特点、阶层结构变迁等密切相关,并对农村基层政权建设和社会政治稳定产生重大影响。如何把农民的非制度政治参与逐步转变为合法有序的制度化政治参与,不仅是目前农村民主政治建设过程中亟待解决的现实问题,而且也是建设社会主义新农村过程中值得深入探讨的理论问题。     

人力资本的再认识与国有企业激励机制创新

经过20多年的改革,在国有企业组织功能和治理制度安排已经发生重大变迁的情况下,由于对人力资本的产权特征认识不足或缺少配套的保护措施,激励制度安排却没能真正实现从政治激励到经济激励转换,这种制度安排的缺位或不配套,使改革进程中"59岁现象"和"冯根生难题"难以避免,国有企业低效率和缺乏竞争力的问题没有得到根本解决.推进国有企业的改革与发展,必须高度重视人力资本的私人产权特征,并给予合理定价,加快制度安排由政治激励转为经济激励的进程.     

贯彻落实科学发展观 创新房产管理思想政治工作

坚持做好思想政治工作历来是我们党的优良传统和政治优势，是我们党取得革命成功和建设中国特色社会主义的重要法宝。在长期的思想政治工作实践中，我们党积累了非常丰富的经验，创造了许多行之有效的方法。在建立和完善社会主义市场经济体制、全面建设小康社会的今天，思想政治工作仍然具有不可替代的重要作用。     

Slapping the Grasping Hand

A bstract The international community is redoubling efforts to curb political corruption in the developing and transitional economies. The consensus now is that the abuse of public office stunts economic growth, replacing a formerly dominant view that the effect is neutral or positive. Corruption's political correlates, however, are seldom studied empirically. Using Transparency International's recently developed index of perceived corruption. this paper explores this issue by regression analysis in a sample of less-developed countries. Economic liberalization, political democratization, and administrative centralization are associated with lower degrees of political corruption.     

The Role of State‐Owned Enterprises in an Artificial Monopoly Market: The Case of Turkey

State‐owned enterprises (SOEs) benefit from many privileges based on their unique structure, their substantial capital, and their position in the economic system. Like all business corporations, they have no fixed duration, which makes them effectively immortal. In addition, they are adjuncts of the state, which enables them to survive in noncompetitive markets with little effort. Therefore, under today's ruthless global market conditions, SOEs engage in unfair competition with privately financed businesses. By relying on their identity as state operations, they do not follow the rules of the market—they define those rules. In addition to SOEs, which are direct arms of the state, some privately financed businesses dominate markets in which the state allows them to develop an artificial monopoly and thus increase their power day by day. These artificial monopolies distort market processes and create conditions that frequently give rise to corruption. This study examines the problems associated with monopolies, with a special emphasis on establishing more efficient market structures for SOEs in Turkey. The original mission of SOEs was to balance markets through regulation and to be transparent and accountable to the public. Simply striving to meet those criteria would go a long way toward preventing the abuse of power and unfair competition. In addition, SOEs and artificial monopoly markets distort public institutions by promoting rent‐seeking behavior that corrupts politics and blocks innovation from potential competitors. Privatization has been employed by international financial institutions in recent decades, but it has mostly transferred monopolies from the public sector to private owners, which has made the problem worse and done little to enhance competition. Establishing genuinely competitive economies will require a new political culture around the world.     

Privatisation or Competition?

Market competition is essential for any economy to be efficient. In order to develop competition in a transition economy, it is conventionally thought that privatisation should take place first. This wisdom has been challenged by the Chinese reform experience of the last two decades, which modified the incentive structure of state enterprises and created markets and market competition in the absence of large scale privatisation. China's experience, however, raises the question of whether its chosen type of reform is sufficient to promote competition in a market dominated by public firms. To answer this, we need to know what kind of markets were created – regional markets closed to trade or unified markets with easy access – and whether or not improved incentives for state firms have led to competition. This paper investigates these questions on the basis of a survey of both theory and empirical evidence; and finds that the Chinese reform policies did succeed in stimulating competition among state firms.     

Institutional Reform to Tame Union Power

How far has the success of trade unions in obtaining political and economic privilege been attenuated by the laws passed by the Conservative Government? Charles Rowley, Acting Dean of the Graduate School and Professor of Economics at George Mason University, Virginia, assesses the effectiveness of the legislation and considers how much further reform will have to be carried to return the control of unions to their members.     

基于青年职工价值取向多元化背景探讨如何开展医院的思想政治工作

医院的服务水平和质量影响着人民群众对医院的满意程度,从而影响我国医疗体制改革的推进和发展。青年职工是医院的中坚力量,作为新时期的青年,其思想价值观念具有主体性、多样性、兼容性、波动性等特点。如何针对青年职工开展有效的思想政治工作是医院领导层需要重点考虑的问题。因此,论文在阐述青年职工价值取向新特点的基础上,指出其身心存在的不足,并提出医院优化思想政治工作的对策和方法。     

践行社会主义核心价值体系培养“四有”新人

随着我国政治、经济、文化事业的蓬勃发展、社会主义现代化建设和小康社会的奋斗目标正在进一步实现,可是我们也应该看到,意识形态多样化的倾向也在严重影响着大学生的健康成长和思想。我们的党和国家要高度重视这些问题,我们要通过以社会主义核心价值体系为指导,对大学生思想政治教育的原因进行分析研究,我们必须要坚持马克思主义的主导地位、用中国特色社会主义核心价值体系来教育和引领大学生思想政治教育工作。     

国有经济战略性调整与深化国有企业改革

国有经济在建设中国特色社会主义和提高中国国际竞争力中具有不可替代的地位和作用。在新的历史时期,必须深入推进国有经济战略性调整和国有企业改革,进一步改革完善国有资产管理体制,转变企业发展方式,使国有企业真正发挥其独特的作用。     

Explicit and implicit corporate social responsibility: Differences in the approach to stakeholder engagement activities of U.S. and Japanese companies

This study uses the theoretical frameworks of institutional theory and comparative capitalism to demonstrate how cross‐cultural differences in national institutional frameworks are related to differences in the meaning and the nature of corporate social responsibility (CSR) and, as a result, how they create different incentives and opportunities for companies to engage in stakeholder management activities. More specifically, we draw upon the framework of “explicit” and “implicit” CSRs to investigate whether and how stakeholder management practices and programs differ between the United States and Japan. We first develop and validate a Stakeholder Engagement Activities (SEAs) scale, designed assess differences in the approach (explicit or implicit) that companies use to address a variety of common SEAs. Then we analyze data and present the results of surveys collected from 227 companies in the United States and Japan. We find that although the SEAs of American companies are characterized by strong “explicit CSR,” in contrast, the SEAs of Japanese companies exhibit strong “implicit CSR.” In the discussion that follows, we attribute these distinctions in the SEAs to differences in the configuration of political, economic, and market mechanisms in each country. The findings of this study contribute to a more nuanced understanding of the differences in prevailing CSR practices of American and Japanese companies than noted by previous researchers. From a practitioner's perspective, the findings of this study reveal that despite the global nature of CSR, stakeholder management practices are both interpreted and operationalized differently due to differences in national institutional frameworks.     

十八大以来我国收入分配制度改革的回顾与启示

十八大以来,中国特色社会主义进入新时代,党和政府确立了收入分配制度改革的价值取向,即经济社会发展成果实现共享和共同富裕。借此理念,我国收入分配制度改革进入全面深化阶段,取得了一系列新成就。但现阶段,仍存在收入差距处于高位徘徊、“橄榄型”收入分配格局尚未形成等现实问题,距离实现价值目标的差距亟待进一步通过改革加以解决。     

国企职工思想政治工作创新路径探讨

中国革命和社会主义建设几十年的经验表明,思想政治工作是我们党的政治优势,是一切经济工作的生命线。在新的形势下,需要思想政治工作为国有企业的改革和发展保驾护航,更需要思想政治工作为生产经营和其他各项工作提供精神动力和思想保证。但是,国有企业的思想政治工作仍然面临诸多困难,只有在观念、内容、方法、机制上创新,才能切实提高思想政治工作的针对性和实效性,为企业发展和现代化建设提供强大的动力和保证。     

From Dependency to Defiance? Work‐Unit Relationships in China’s State Enterprise Reforms

This paper outlines the economic reform process being undertaken in China and the subsequent partial closure and radical down-sizing of the state-owned enterprise sector. Redundancies arising out the restructuring process have eroded the state-worker contract of the iron rice-bowl. This has resulted in growing and sometimes violent labour unrest. The planned workforce projections until the end of the year 2000 suggest that the numbers of redundancies has increased, adding to China's 'surplus labour' problem. A critical issue is thus whether the Chinese government, together with state-enterprise management, can contain potential future labour and civil unrest using its present methods.     

浅议运用期货风险管理模式规避大宗商品市场价格波动风险

当前,伴随发达国家的经济不景气和欧债危机的蔓延,我国经济也面临下行压力;发达国家不断向货币市场释放流动性,输入式通胀存隐忧;贸易保护主义抬头,贸易战升温;迫使人民币加快升值步伐,而近期人民币即期汇率连续跌停,汇率战拉开序幕;国际政治经济形势复杂多变,局部战事此起彼伏。这一切,对大宗商品市场和金融市场产生重要影响,引起商品价格巨幅波动且周期缩短,使我国企业迎来了改革开放以来前所未有的价格风险。相关企业必须作出快速反应,建立期货风险管理模式,运用金融衍生工具迎接挑战。     

越南的国际经营环境及其对中国企业“走出去”的启示

越南作为亚太地区活跃的新兴经济体，外部投资环境得天独厚，经济体制、政治体制和对外贸易投资体制等内部经营环境持续改善，吸引了包括中国在内的各国企业在越南投资兴业。鉴于越南市场开发潜力大，而同时又具有不确定性，中国企业应内外兼修，抓住两国改革开放及经济发展红利所带来的投资机遇，规避经营风险，维持双方长久合作共赢的局面。     

改革开放以来中国经济增长动力转换的时空特征

基于中国1978~2012年的省级面板数据,采用检验后的超越对数生产函数的随机前沿模型,利用两套资本存量核算方法,对中国经济增长动力的来源及其时空特征进行分析,并对2008年金融危机的4万亿元投资政策进行了效率评价。研究结果表明,中国属于典型的投资主导型经济,资本投入是中国经济增长持续稳定的最主要来源,TFP贡献率呈现逐年下降的趋势;中国经济增长动力由改革开放初期的资本、劳动力和TFP三驾马车平衡拉动,形成了现阶段的资本投入与TFP反向角力态势;区域经济差距主要源于资本投入与TFP双重差异,但TFP差异是最重要因素;4万亿元经济刺激政策下中国经济复苏属于典型的“投资主导型复苏”,是以牺牲中国生产率为代价的,TFP在2008年后呈现断崖式下降,平均拉低中国TFP达0.23~0.32个百分点。     

我国城镇化发展的现状与问题分析

城镇化的发展关系到整个国民经济的结构调整和持续健康发展。加快农村城镇化进程是当前我国现代化建设的一项重要任务,本文对我国城镇化发展的现状和存在的问题进行了初步的探讨,相信会对推进城乡一体化发展,全面建设小康社会具有一定的参考价值。     

Testing the Political Replacement Effect: A Panel Data Analysis*

This article tests for the existence of the political replacement effect, as suggested by Acemoglu and Robinson: [American Political Science Review, Vol. 100, pp. 115–131]. They argue that the implementation of market‐oriented reform is crucially driven by the political calculus of incumbent governments: they implement economic policy change if such a choice is not expected to reduce their chances to retain power. This implies a non‐monotonic relationship between the level of political competition and the extent of economic reform. We test this hypothesis using data for 102 countries over the period 1980 to 2005. Our results strongly support the theory.