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1.
SA8000与企业社会责任   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
目前在西方发达国家无论是消费者、中介组织、企业以及政府对企业的社会责任已十分重视,SA8000标准也逐渐成为中国企业走向世界的又一张通行证。本文先介绍SA8000标准及其影响,然后过渡到企业的社会责任问题,并就企业社会责任问题分述为企业对员工的责任,对顾客的责任,及对社会的责任。  相似文献   

2.
管理层问责:后国企改革时代的新课题   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
改革开放以来,我国国企改革取得了令人瞩目的成就,但仍未能从根本上革除国企绩效低下、所有者缺位、内部人控制等弊端。在依次经历扩大企业自主权、从经营权向所有权过渡、推进建立现代企业制度和深化国家控股股份公司(特别是上市公司)内部改革等四个阶段之后,我国已进入到后国企改革时代。从委托代理的视角来看,产权制度改革后的国企仍然存在多级委托代理关系,这是单纯的产权制度改革并不能解决国企顽疾的症结之所在。在后国企改革时代要根除国企诸多弊病,必须从深层次推动国企改革,重点是加强对管理层的约束和监管,切实建立和完善有效的管理层问责机制。  相似文献   

3.
岳颂 《技术经济》2007,26(3):68-70,96
改革开放以后,乡镇企业的兴起促进了农村经济的发展,但也给农村带来了严重的环境问题,使其负面影响甚至超过了正面贡献。在建设新农村的大形势下,企业必须承担起应有的社会责任,处理好追求自身经济利益与保护农村环境的关系,致力于农村环境的改善和可持续发展。  相似文献   

4.
We find that Federal Reserve Bank presidents’ regional bias in their dissenting interest rate votes in the Federal Open Market Committee follows an electoral cycle. Presidents put more weight on their district’s economic environment during the year prior to their (re-)election relative to nonelection years.  相似文献   

5.
行政处罚归责原则法学界存在四种不同的观点。主观归责原则存在其合理性,已渐成学界主流。我国行政处罚归责制度存在缺陷,应进一步完善。  相似文献   

6.
冯明  张怡阁 《技术经济》2012,31(11):115-121
基于国内外学者对企业责任制内部结构的研究成果,采用开放式问卷调查、焦点小组讨论、预试等方法确定企业责任制内部结构调查问卷,利用来自全国不同地区的312份有效样本的数据进行探索性因素分析和验证性因素分析。结果显示:基于中国社会和文化背景编制的企业责任制内部结构调查问卷具有较好的信度和效度;中国企业背景下责任制的内部结构主要包括责任环境、责任体系、控制与支持、奖惩机制4个维度。最后提出企业责任制建设的思路及后续的研究方向。  相似文献   

7.
The Political Economy of Social Security   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
We consider a two-period overlapping generations model in which individual voters differ by age and by productivity. In such a setting, a redistributive pay-as-you-go system is politically sustainable, even when the interest rate is higher than the rate of population growth. The workers with medium wages (not those with the lowest wages) and the retirees form a majority which votes for a positive level of social security. This level depends on the difference between the rates of population growth and interest as well as on the redistributiveness of the benefit rule.  相似文献   

8.
中央银行独立性、责任性与通货膨胀目标制   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
近年来不少学者提出,我国货币政策应转向通货膨胀目标制。我国现行的政策实际上正是一种隐性的通货膨胀目标制,20世纪90年代以来所发生的几次通货膨胀偏倚很大程度上是由于央行的独立性不够。鉴于通货膨胀目标制并不能解决当前我国货币政策调控中的问题并可能带来更多的问题,今后货币政策改革应坚持由直接调控向间接调控、由数量型调控向价格型调控的转变思路,在提高央行独立性的同时,增强其责任性并提高货币政策的透明度。  相似文献   

9.
企业可持续发展的战略选择:社会责任管理   总被引:9,自引:0,他引:9  
刘立燕 《经济与管理》2004,18(12):87-89
在经济全球化的背景下 ,社会责任管理是任何一个企业都不能回避的问题 ,它关系到企业的生存和发展。企业应该把社会责任管理作为可持续发展的战略选择 ,并努力构建有效的社会责任管理模式。  相似文献   

10.
建立和完善公司治理结构是当前深化国有企业改革,建立现代企业制度的一项重要任务,健全和完善内部审计的监督机制是良好公司治理结构的内在要求。从所有权和经营权分离的角度,对受托责任的根源和内涵进行了分析探讨,以此为基础,分析了公司治理、内部审计与受托责任的本质关系,并从受托责任角度探讨了公司治理与内部审计的关系。  相似文献   

11.
Are anti‐establishment mass media really useful in preventing politicians from behaving dishonestly? This paper models the direction of media bias, and shows that the probability of a dishonest action by an incumbent is higher (than that in the case of no media bias) if and only if the mass media have some degree of “anti‐incumbent” bias (i.e. information favourable to the incumbent is converted into unfavourable news about the incumbent with a positive probability), provided that the incumbent is less likely to be opportunistic than a challenger in the upcoming election. This result holds irrespective of the degree of “pro‐incumbent” bias.  相似文献   

12.
We study whether and to what extent the electoral dynamics in Italy over the 1994–2008 period can be explained by the development of economic factors associated with globalization. To measure the level of exposure to globalization for local labor markets, our main unit of analysis, we use the intensity of import competition from China and the presence of immigrants. Looking at parties’ political positions and employing an estimation strategy that accounts for endogeneity and time‐invariant unobserved effects across local labor markets, we find that both immigration intensity and exposure to import competition from China have contributed positively to the electoral outcomes of far‐right parties, whereas only immigration intensity has increased the vote shares of right‐wing and traditionalist/authoritarian/nationalist parties. Some evidence, albeit not robust, shows that immigration may have also had a positive impact on far‐left parties, thus possibly further contributing toward political polarization. Moreover, electoral turnout has responded negatively to an increased presence of migrants. While the above effects seem to work through the mediation of labor markets, our results, especially those related to immigration, suggest that other mechanisms at the level of local communities are also at play.  相似文献   

13.
This paper attempts to combine the political economics models on separation of powers between the legislature and the executive with public choice theories on the behavior of the judicial branch. We obtain a model of political accountability and checks and balances with up to three government branches: the executive, the legislature and the judiciary. We conclude that an independent judiciary improves the political accountability of democratic systems relative to the political economics models with two government branches. An accommodating judiciary, however, changes the distribution of political rents without improving accountability.  相似文献   

14.
We study competition between political parties in repeated elections with probabilistic voting. This model entails multiple equilibria, and we focus on cases where political collusion occurs. When parties hold different opinions on some policy, they may take different policy positions that do not coincide with the median voter's preferred policy platform. In contrast, when parties have a mutual understanding on a particular policy, their policy positions may converge (on some dimension) but not to the median voter's preferred policy. That is to say, parties can tacitly collude with one another, despite political competition. Collusion may collapse, for instance, after the entry of a new political party. This model rationalizes patterns in survey data from Sweden, where politicians on different sides of the political spectrum take different positions on economic policy but similar positions on refugee intake—diverging from the average voter's position, but only until the entry of a populist party.  相似文献   

15.
This paper studies the political economy of growth in an economic union such as the EU. In the spirit of Acemoglu, Aghion and Zilibotti [Acemoglu, D., Aghion, P. and Zilibotti, F., 2006a, Distance to frontier, selection and economic growth, Journal of the European Economic Association, 4:1, 37–74; Acemoglu, D., Aghion, P., and Zilibotti, F., 2006b, Growth, development and appropriate versus inappropriate institutions, mimeo MIT.], as the economy approaches the world technology frontier, structural reforms that increase competition in intermediate goods sectors are necessary to boost innovation and productivity growth. Reforms, however, raise the opposition of incumbents and, therefore, are politically difficult to implement. When there are important cross-border policy spillover effects, national governments are more easily captured by vested interests, as they fail to internalize the benefits of reforms on the rest of the union. In this situation, productivity growth may be sluggish and the economy can fail to converge to the frontier. On the other hand, when policy is chosen by a union government (or a collective body that takes into account union welfare), the internalization of spillovers raises the perceived benefit of reforms and, consequently, lowers the ability of lobbies to obtain high levels of protection.  相似文献   

16.
Are You Being Served? Political Accountability and Quality of Government   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
How well any government functions hinges on how good citizensare at making their politicians accountable for their actions.Political control of public officials depends on two factors.First, free and regular elections allow citizens to disciplinepoliticians—the credible threat of losing office in thenext period compels policy makers to respond to the voters'interests. Second, and equally important, the degree of citizeninformation curbs the opportunities politicians may have toengage in political corruption and management. The presenceof a well-informed electorate in a democratic setting explainsbetween one-half and two-thirds of the variance in the levelsof governmental performance and corruption.  相似文献   

17.
After‐tax income inequality has risen since the mid‐1990s, as increases in market income inequality have not been offset by greater fiscal redistribution. We argue that the substantial increase in the diversity of consumer goods has mitigated mounting political pressures for redistribution. Within a probabilistic voting framework, we demonstrate that if the share of diversified goods in the consumption bundle increases sufficiently with income, then an increase in goods diversity can reduce the political equilibrium tax rate. Focusing on OECD countries, we find empirical support for both the model's micro‐political foundations and the implied relation between goods diversity and fiscal policy outcomes.  相似文献   

18.
在贫富差距极度悬殊、种族和教派冲突频繁发生、政府效率低下的环境中,印度的公民预算组织积极投:身社会变革,促进公共参与和政府创新.他们创造出"公民报告卡"、"预算分析"、"预算跟踪"等公民参与预算的方法,以强化内在于公共预算中的政府问责制.他们的思想、观点以及一些具体做法对我国的公共预算制度创新具有一定的借鉴意义.  相似文献   

19.
I study the impact of immigration and increasing ethnic diversity on political outcomes in immigrant‐receiving countries, focusing on immigration and election outcomes in Danish municipalities between 1981 and 2001. A novel instrumental variable strategy based on historical housing stock data addresses issues of endogenous location choices of immigrants and a rich set of control variables is employed to isolate ethnic diversity effects from those of other immigrant characteristics. Increases in local ethnic diversity lead to rightward shifts in election outcomes by shifting electoral support away from traditional “big government” left‐wing parties and towards anti‐immigrant nationalist parties. This holds for both local and national elections.  相似文献   

20.
Do voters respond to political parties׳ promises or to their past actions? We use a suitable sequence of events in Swedish politics to provide the first answer to this question. In the 1994 election campaign the Social Democrats proposed major cuts in transfers to parents with young children, whereas in the 1998 campaign they promised to increase transfers. The Social Democrats won both elections and delivered on both promises. Using voting among parents with slightly older children as counterfactual, we find that voters with young children responded markedly to economic promises rather than to implemented policies.  相似文献   

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