If You Are So Smart,Why Aren't You an Entrepreneur? Returns to Cognitive and Social Ability: Entrepreneurs Versus Employees

How valuable are cognitive and social abilities for entrepreneurs’ relative to employees’ earnings? We answer three questions: (1) To what extent does a composite measure of ability affect an entrepreneur's earnings relative to wages earned by employees? (2) Do different cognitive abilities (e.g., math ability, language, or verbal ability) and social ability affect earnings of entrepreneurs and employees differently?, and (3) Does the balance in these measured ability levels affect an individual's earnings? Our (difference‐of‐difference) estimates of the returns to ability for spells in entrepreneurship versus wage employment account for selectivity into entrepreneurial positions insofar as they are determined by fixed individual characteristics. Our robust results provide the following answers to the three questions: General ability has a stronger impact on entrepreneurial incomes than on wages. Moreover, entrepreneurs and employees benefit from different sets of specific abilities: verbal and clerical abilities have a stronger impact on wages, whereas mathematical, social, and technical ability are more valuable for entrepreneurs. The balance in the various kinds of ability also generates a higher income, but only for entrepreneurs: This finding supports Lazear's Jack‐of‐all‐Trades theory.     

New Regionalism Reconsidered: Globalization and the Remaking of Political Economic Space

Amid the near frenzied exaltation of economic globalization and a purported decline of the nation state, a range of subnational regional economies and urban metropoles are increasingly being canonized as the paradigmatic exemplars of wealth creation. Indeed, across many of the advanced developed countries a whole host of academics, consultants, influential commentators, politicians and bourgeois interest groups are readily invoking the region to be the appropriate site for regulating global capitalism. In a recent article in IJURR, though, John Lovering disputes this emerging New Regionalism, viewing it to be seriously compromised by several practical and theoretical inadequacies. This article has two principal aims. First, and while sympathetic to the general tenor of Lovering’s critique, it offers a rejoinder through some sobering reflections on what might be recovered from the range of New Regionalist perspectives currently vying for attention within critical studies of regional development. Second, it presents a series of future theoretical directions for a geopolitically sensitive regional research agenda, drawing on recent thinking from the new regional geography, globalization and the politics of scale, institutional‐relational state theory and the regulation approach. An argument is made that a synthesis of these perspectives might intensify our understanding of the social and political construction of regions, the uneven geography of growth, and the moments of re‐scaled regionalized state power that now enframe the process of economic governance.     

Free collective bargaining and incomes policy: learning from Barbara Wootton and Hugh Clegg on post‐war British Industrial Relations and wage inequality

Growing income inequality has returned as a major political issue in affluent, advanced economies, often associated directly with the decline of trade unions and collective bargaining. In policy terms, this has been reflected in the British campaign for a ‘Living Wage’ and the new German minimum wage. Yet on the broader front, Industrial Relations (IR) struggles to find a credible regulatory strategy to address inequality—one that combines state and civil society initiatives and can be legitimised in political philosophy. This History and Policy article argues that there is much to learn from the IR past, before neo‐liberalism. My focus is the writing of Barbara Wootton and Hugh Clegg on ‘Incomes Policy’, from the 1950s to the early 1980s, when this was a central intellectual and policy issue in British IR. I explore the differing justifications for Incomes Policy, from corporatist macro‐economic management to social equality, comparing and contrasting the democratic socialist political principles of Wootton with Clegg's social democratic pluralism. The conclusion relates this historical debate between state pattern and civil society process to current concerns about how social democratic ideas and IR policy can address the problem of labour market inequality.     

The Fallacy of Misplaced Leadership*

abstract The leadership literature typically talks about the discrete individuality of its subject and particularly the personal qualities and capabilities of a few key people occupying top positions in a hierarchy. Current leadership research now has begun to generate new knowledge about leadership practice in relations of interpersonal exchange. Nevertheless, there is an urgent need for the ramifications of this insight to be more sufficiently developed. The current discussion explores how a perspective of process studies challenges the dominance of the field by individual social actors and discrete schemes of relations. Its aims are twofold. First, it will show how both of these latter epistemologies are lacking and suggest that current leadership research and development activities must rise to the ontological challenge of processes rather than things. Second, it looks at some methodological implications of this way of thinking as a productive incitement to future management studies.     

提高党对全面深化改革的领导能力

改革开放以来,我党对于改革的认识持续深化,改革经验日益丰富,逐渐熟悉并把握了改革方略,奠定了继续领导和驾驭改革全局的理论基础。习总书记多次强调党“必然要依靠学习走向未来”。在党的领导能力内涵上,习总书记的讲话涉及三大实践能力和五大思维能力,即“思想政治能力、动员组织能力、驾驭复杂矛盾能力”以及战略思维、历史思维、辩证思维、创新思维与底线思维。这些重要精神和论述,值得进一步学习和研究。     

Karol Wojtyła’s Katolicka Etyka Społeczna as Precursor and Hermeneutic Key to Pope John Paul II’s Economic Teaching

The highly anticipated publication of Karol Wojtyła’s Katolicka etyka społeczna (KES) in 2018 provides a novel and important basis for understanding the economic thinking of Pope John Paul II. The text is comprised of Wojtyła’s extensive lecture notes from the 1950s on the topic of Catholic social teaching and spans almost 500 pages. KES illustrates the future pope’s deep concern for economic justice as a young priest and his ambivalence towards capitalism, which persisted throughout his papacy. Given the size of KES, this article selectively focuses on Wojtyła’s treatment of topics of continuing relevance: the right of the Church to pronounce on economic matters; private property and the “social mortgage” on it; inequality, the just distribution of resources, and the “option for the poor”; the moral assessment of capitalism and Marxism; the dignity of labor and workers’ rights; and the role of conflict in promoting the common good. I contend that KES is consonant with the later papal teaching of John Paul II on economic justice and that it provides a hermeneutic key to understanding it. Furthermore, I argue that the “radicalism” of Karol Wojtyła on matters of economic justice in KES coheres with papal social teaching from Pope Paul VI through that of Pope Francis.     

Henry George and Europe: As Dissident Economist and Path-breaking Philosopher, He was a Catalyst for British Social Reform

Abstract . Henry George's influence was greater in the United Kingdom than in the United States. The 80s and 90s there were particularly favorable for the reception of his revolutionary ideas. Though, thanks to such thinkers as Alfred Russell Wallace and James and John Stuart Mill, a land reform movement already existed, its sudden rise to national significance was due to George. George's writing and speaking skills and his dedication moved many serious citizens into the political Left and heavily influenced men and women who became leaders of British non-Marxian socialism, at the formation and consolidation of their movement. While George's followers broke with both the Wallace and socialist movements, George's rhetorical talents awakened the broad circles of thinking people to a consciousness of the full range of the social question.     

JUDAISM AND LIBERALISM: ISRAEL’S ECONOMIC PROBLEM WITH ITS HAREDIM

This article argues that, in the arrangements for the public provision of welfare for the poor and a basic education for all in both biblical and post‐biblical times, Judaism is more closely in accord with classical liberalism than it is with those variants of liberalism which favour no more than the minimal night‐watchman state as well as those which favour the extensive welfare states of contemporary Western social democracies. To the extent that Israel's ultra‐orthodox Jews (its Haredim) have been able to secure more by way of state subsidies (through exploiting the leverage their country's national system of proportional representation has given them, which often leaves them holding the balance of power), not only are they endangering Israel's viability as a vibrant, developed liberal democracy, they are also guilty of departing from the religious teachings and tradition of Jewish orthodoxy.     

L'analyse marxiste de l'état

The differences which have characterized various marxist analyses of the state are to a large extent due to an inability to envisage simultaneously the four major levels of reality of the state, that is:

• 1 The state defined as a ‘developed form of the socialization of the process of production’.
• 2 The state as instrument of domination and hegemony at the service of the dominant class.
• 3 The state as the place of confrontation and unstable balance between antagonistic social classes.
• 4 Finally, the state as a place of rupture or transition between a declining dominant class and a rising dominated class—to take up Gramsci's formulation.

Applied to the analysis of urban capitalist policies, such a dialectical method should enable one to grasp, in all its contradictory aspects, the intervention of the capitalist state in the process of production-consumption. Instead of opposing or isolating these four levels of analysis, it should on the contrary lead to demonstrating how the state apparatus can be understood at the same time as:

• 1 Process of financing and spatial organization of the means of collective consumption.
• 2 Process of social segregation at the profit of the dominant class.
• 3 The place of confrontation between classes with antagonistic interests, confrontation being the result of political concessions to the dominated classes, the nature of these concessions—their real impact—varying according to the historical period considered, and consequently according to the margin of economic man?uvre available to the capitalist class.
• 4 The place of formation of a counter-hegemony which will produce a revolutionary social movement made up of a new rising class, which will bring with it a new urbanistic model as well as a new project of society.

     

An Analysis of Causal Flow Between Social Development and Economic Growth:

This is an attempt to examine whether there is any causal relation between social development and economic growth. Social development in this context is measured by a social development index, which is a weighted composite index formed with eight social indicators of life representing various spheres of social life. Economic growth is indicated by Per Capita Real Gross Domestic Product (PCRGDP), The causality test offered by Granger has been performed for the entire sample as well as for three income groups: high, middle and low. The study also tests causality between PCRGDP and the eight social indicators of life.     

Increasing the Impact of Heterodox Work: Insights from RoSE

To help understand what enhances the prospects for heterodox work to have strong research impact, this article analyzes the pool of articles published in the Review of Social Economy in the past 15 years, aiming to identify what differentiates well‐cited articles from others. Well‐cited papers tend to be in areas of core concern in social economics (labor, health, social theory) and attract attention in related social sciences and policy fields. Yet about half the articles published in RoSE are not cited in another scholarly journal within three years of publication, suggesting that, as well done and interesting as these papers may be, problems like narrow focus seem to limit their influence on other people's work. The article's results suggest that increasing the impact of heterodox work requires articles to be interesting and accessible to intentionally broad audiences, and to prompt people to change their thinking. Better still if they open up channels of communication between diverse communities of scholars that are likely to be sustained.     

论学生自主学习数学的策略

文章主要阐述了学生自主学习数学的策略:培养学习兴趣,增强数学学习自信心;培养自我监控和调节的能力;合作探究——让自己成为学习的主人;在学习中思考,在思考中学习;既要重视数学理论知识的学习,又要重视数学思想方法的学习。     

Whither welfare?

Book reviewed in this article: Ginsburg, N. 1979: Class, capital and social policy. Gough, I. 1979: The political economy of the welfare state.     

‘The giving layer of the internet’: A critical history of GoFundMe's reputation management,platform governance,and communication strategies in capturing peer-to-peer and charitable giving markets

GoFundMe, founded in 2010, has already profoundly impacted giving practices, introducing many laypersons to the empowering potentials and user-friendly affordances of peer-to-peer fundraising. Overall, GoFundMe's extraordinary success as a for-profit company in traditionally nonprofit charitable giving markets can be attributed to: normalizing their platform as the go-to destination for people seeking help; tasking the beneficiaries themselves with crafting appeals for support; restricting forms of support to money; deferring responsibility to donors to assess the legitimacy of appeals; and dominating the market by acquiring competitors and pursuing growth wherever possible. No charity could plausibly adopt such an operating model and GoFundMe's lean, hands-off, self-policing approach has attracted sharp criticism over the years. Nonetheless, the company has not humbly reined in their ambition but expanded it even further. This paper outlines three broad phases through which GoFundMe has defended their capture of “the giving layer of the internet.” Initially, GoFundMe espoused ideals of utopian disruption and soteriological solutionism, selling their platform as a “take-action button” and user-friendly means of empowering everyday citizens to improve the lives of others. Later, after attracting more divisive causes and criticisms of its revenue model, GoFundMe adopted forms of reputational repair and attempted neutrality, insisting that their for-profit platform could be accommodative to all worldviews and persons willing to embrace “positive precarization.” More recently, as “neutral” stances became untenable and fundraising success rates increasingly grim, GoFundMe pivoted toward strategies of state critique and civic capture. Specifically, GoFundMe have: more pointedly highlighted state failures; actively aligned themselves with social movements; shifted away from relying solely on peer-to-peer fundraising; and instead partnered more with established nonprofits. However, as GoFundMe's expansion inevitably means becoming entangled in sensitive political matters, the company's ambition to become the key intermediary in all charitable giving is facing acute challenges.     

Rent Seeking in the Cameroon Economy: Krueger's Analytic Technique Helps to Account for Development Lag in Colonial States

Abstract . Traditional economic theory regards the social costs of monopoly as the reduction in both consumer and producer surplus as a result of monopolization of certain sectors of the economy. Recent research has shown that a proper accounting of the social costs of monopoly must include the costs of obtaining and maintaining monopoly positions. Anne O. Krueger used the term “rent seeking” to refer to the expending of scarce resources by entrepreneurs to fight for rents created through government activity in the economy. Excessive interference in the economy by government can result in an increase in the social costs of monopoly. In a developing country such as Cameroon, where government activity in the economy has been quite pervasive since the latter part of the 1800s, opportunities have been created for rent seeking. This type of activity has helped to impede the economic growth of the country.     

Sacred alliance or pact with the devil? How and why social enterprises collaborate with mainstream businesses in the fair trade sector*

Abstract

This paper uses institutional theory to highlight different patterns of cross-sector collaboration from the perspective of social enterprises. Specifically, it explores how and why social enterprises interact with mainstream businesses and to what extent their collaboration patterns reflect a vision of how their social mission should be implemented and institutionalized. The empirical analysis is derived from a qualitative study of ‘fair trade’ – a hybrid model created by social enterprises and using market mechanisms to support small-scale producers in developing countries and to advocate for changes in international trading practices. The findings highlight three strategies used by fair trade social enterprises to manage their interactions with mainstream businesses: sector solidarity, selective engagement, and active appropriation. This paper suggests that each strategy is motivated by a different vision of how best to articulate the social mission of fair trade via specific types of collaborations. It also notes how each vision has a distinct pattern of institutionalization at the field level. This paper adds to the emergent literatures on social enterprise and social entrepreneurship, fair trade, cross-sector collaboration and hybrid organizing.     

Book Reviews

Book reviewed in this article: Agnew, J. 1987: Place and politics: the geographical mediation of state and society. Djaiet, H. 1986: Al Kufa: naissance de la ville islamique. Gilbert, A. and Healey, P. 1985: The political economy of land: urban development in an oil economy. Hadjimichalis, C. 1986: Uneven development and regionalism: state, territory and class in southern Europe. Harris, C.C. 1987: Redundancy and recession in South Wales. Hirsch, J. and Roth, R. 1986: Das neue Gesicht des Kapitalismus: Vom Fordismus zum Post-Fordismus. Manners, G. and Morris, D. 1986: Office policy in Britain: a review. Martins, M.R. 1986: An organizational approach to regional planning. Slater, D. editor, 1985: New social movements and the state in Latin America. Watson, S. with Austerberry, H. 1986: Housing and homelessness: a feminist perspective. Whittington, D. editor, 1985: High hopes for high tech: micro-electronic policy in North Carolina.     

The role of the state in Central and Eastern European industrial relations: the case of minimum wages

Governments in Central and Eastern Europe are dominant players in the field of industrial relations, acting in a ‘liberalisation dilemma’ between the needs of further state regulation to compensate the shortcomings of autonomous self‐regulation by social actors and the demands of liberalised markets in the enlarged EU. Compared with the different types of industrial relation systems in Western Europe, a transitional model with specific etatist features has emerged. This becomes particularly evident when analysing the decision‐making process in Tripartite Councils and its function in determining national minimum wages. The article underlines the recent trends of differentiation and convergence of such pay principles as well as urgent tasks of the state to regulate the unsolved problems of poverty, labour markets and labour standards.     

Reasons of Power: Explaining Non‐cooptation in Participatory Budgeting

Research on the use of participatory budgeting (PB) in urban politics has, perhaps not surprisingly, found that PB participants are often coopted by the government. From a realist perspective, however, it is more surprising that cooptation does not always occur and the mechanisms of non‐cooptation are still not well understood. Previous research has often explained successful outcomes in terms of the ideology of incumbents or the strength of social movements demanding participation. In contrast to both these explanations, this article suggests that an important part is played by the political interest of political elite actors in the independence of PB participants from the government. Presenting the case of PB in Rosario, Argentina, the article finds that three conditions made it rational for political actors not to coopt participants. First, a legitimacy crisis created incentives to invest in a new field of state–civil society interaction. Second, state actors involved in the creation of the field came to invest in the meanings and values of the field. Third, the field of PB could produce legitimacy for the government by being perceived as independent. The article reasons that we can expect these mechanisms of non‐cooptation to be at work in much the same way in other places under similar circumstances.     

BOOK REVIEWS

Book reviewed in this article: Burt, Martha, 1992: Over the edge: the growth of homelessness in the 1980s. Drache, Daniel and Meric Gertler (eds), 1991: The new era of global competition: state policy and market power. Kemeny, Jim, 1992: Housing and social theory. Savage, Mike, James Barlow, Peter Dickens and Tony Fielding, 1992: Property, bureaucracy and culture: middle-class formation in contemporary Britain. Spain, Daphne, 1992: Gendered spaces. Storper, Michael, 1991: Industrialization, economic development and the regional question in the third world: from import substitution to flexible production. Wolch, Jennifer, 1991: The shadow state: government and voluntary sector in transition.