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In August 1939, the U.S. military remained terribly ill equippedfor a major international conflict. The average infantry soldierwas armed with a 1903 Springfield rifle, field artillery dependedupon 75-mm howitzers designed for the First World War, and armorconsisted of about five hundred outdated tanks. U.S. industry,still almost completely geared for peacetime production, wasin little position to be of much help. By December 1942, however,the once "disarmed forces" of the United States had become amilitary superpower and American industry the "arsenal of  相似文献   

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Commercial public opinion polling is an increasingly important element in practically all elections in democratic countries around the world. Poll results and pollsters are relatively new and autonomous voices in our human communities. Here I try to connect such polling directly to morality and democratic processes. Several arguments have been and might be used for and against banning such polling during elections, i.e., for and against effectively silencing these voices. I present the arguments on both sides of this issue, and try to show that there are reasonable responses to all the arguments in favour of banning polls. Then I review some proposed Canadian legislation concerning banning polls and, alternatively, requiring disclosure of methodological features of polls. Finally, I offer a model set of disclosure standards for the publication of poll results during election campaigns. Alex Michalos is the Editor-in-Chief of the Journal of Business Ethics, the Editor of Social Indicators Research and the author of 13 books and over 5 dozen articles. His five volume North American Social Report received the 1984 Canadian Secretary of State's Award for Excellence in Interdisciplinary Studies in the field of Canadian Studies. Volume One of his four volume Global Report on Student Well-Being has recently been released by Springer-Verlag.An earlier and longer version of this paper was written for and presented to the Canadian Royal Commission on Electoral Reform and Party Financing in June 1990.  相似文献   

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The 2012 presidential election reached new heights in dollars spent and the rancorous nature of advertisements emanating from candidates and other interested parties. While ‘going negative’ has become a well-known tactic in political campaigns, several observers believe that the level of acrimony crossed the line between civil discourse essential to democratic societies and uncivil haranguing that has little to do with election issues. To explore the nuances of this topic, we open with a discussion of limited cross-disciplinary research on incivility in political discourse so that its essential nature is exposed, differentiating it from more common uses of negativity. Our empirical work examined about 350 television advertisements that were shown between the presidential debates of 2012 and the November elections. Levels of civility and incivility are noted and implications for the future of political advertising are provided.  相似文献   

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We argue that the analysis of multiple political connections in an event study framework can improve the study of institutional change. Based on a unique data set of multiple political relationships of 4,936 South Korean board of director members, we show that the large business conglomerates, the chaebol, did not benefit from the unexpected conservative election victories in the 2012 South Korean parliamentary and presidential elections. Personal connections to the presidential candidates and to the opposition party were relevant for the stock returns of small firms. Our findings suggest that Korea's political economy has evolved into a hybrid regime in which the political power of large multinational corporations is limited, but political connections still matter for smaller firms. The corruption scandal that led to the impeachment of President Park in 2017 and the long‐term development of market capitalisation appear to be congruent with the results of our study.  相似文献   

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王霞  季雨 《北方经贸》2021,(3):20-22
中日韩自贸区是当今全球经济发展最快的东北亚地区经济整合的重要突破点,也是"一带一路"构想的核心环节之一。本文对中日韩自贸区合作现状及影响因素进行研究分析,描述了三国缔结FTA存在的问题与促进加强合作的机遇,以期在"一带一路"背景下,抓住利好条件加快中日韩自贸区的建设与发展。  相似文献   

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The paper contains a survey of the legal approach taken to protect consumers from unsafe products in OECD member countries during the last decade. The legal approach covers measures such as preparatory, regulatory, monitoring and corrective actions. An important part in the international work to increase product safety efforts is played by the OECD Committee on Consumer Policy. The paper points out that the Committee's working party on product safety has since 1972 produced a considerable number of reports and proposals which have led to Council Recommendations. It seems that many of these have contributed to the development of safety measures in some countries. The author concludes that international cooperation in the field of consumer policy is an indispensable element for increasing the protection of consumers, the maintenance of open international trading systems, and the functioning of markets at the national and international level.
OECD, Produktsicherheit und der Verbraucher
Zusammenfassung Der Beitrag geht davon aus, daß Konsumgüter viele Sicherheitsprobleme mit sich bringen können. Die OECD-Länder haben deshalb verschiedene Ansätze zum Schutz des Verbrauchers entwickelt. In den USA, in England, Holland, Kanada, Japan und in den nordischen sowie in den EG-Ländern existieren Produktüberwachungssysteme. Manche Länder haben Rahmengesetze zur Regulierung einzelner Märkte erlassen. In einigen Ländern gibt es eine Selbstkontrolle der Anbieter und in den meisten Ländern kann der Verkauf gefährlicher Produkte verboten werden. Aber nur in den USA, in Frankreich, Österreich und in Japan gibt es die Möglichkeit, gefährliche Produkte zurückzurufen.Der Beitrag berichtet insbesondere über die Empfehlungen, Veröffentlichungen und die übrige Tätigkeit der Arbeitsgruppe Produktsicherheit im OECD-Verbraucherbeirat. Der Verfasser kommt zu dem Ergebnis, daß diese Tätigkeit die Entwicklung zu mehr Produktsicherheit in vielen Ländern gefördert hat. Er ist der Meinung, daß internationale Zusammenarbeit nicht nur für den Schutz der Verbraucher, sondern auch für den freien Handel und die Funktionsfähigkeit nationaler und internationaler Märkte notwendig ist.


Nils Ringstedt is the Deputy Director General of the National Swedish Board for Consumer Policies, Box 503, S-162 15 Vällingby, Sweden. He is at present Chairman of Wp 3 on Product Safety of the OECD Committee on Consumer Policy.  相似文献   

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In this paper, we explore the relationships between subsidiary technology transfer competence, bargaining power and rent-seeking. In the multinational corporation, technology transfer competence is generally perceived as something desirable. We connect this bright side of subsidiary-level processes to a potentially uglier and darker side of the organization, namely that subsidiaries gain bargaining power that is exercised for bad ends, i.e., rent-seeking. Using an empirical analysis that comprises intrafirm technology transfers, this paper finds that technology transfer competence leads to greater subsidiary bargaining power that in turn increases rent-seeking behavior; but this competence does not directly affect rent-seeking. We suggest that bargaining power offers a key explanation for rent-seeking. This paper advances the understanding of subsidiary sources of power within the multinational corporation and the organizational determinants of rent-seeking, which is relevant to theory development as well as to managers.  相似文献   

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In order to create a Common Market for branded products the European Commission is presently promoting a regulation for a Community Trade Mark backed by a directive to approximate Member States' trade mark laws. A consumer working group studying these two initiatives found a common interest with the Commission not only in freeing the flow of competing goods but also in specific proposals which to some extent acknowledge a consumer interest. However, the consumer interest in market transparency is not a major theme in either proposal nor do the drafters adopt the consumer oriented certification mark system. Above all there is no promise of effective, continuing consumer representation in the operation of the laws and this threatens to perpetuate the distortion of the public interest towards that of proprietors that has been allowed to develop, particularly since registration systems were introduced about a century ago.
Zusammenfassung Zum Zweck der Schaffung eines gemeinsamen Marktes für Markenartikel hat die Kommission der EG zwei Vorschläge auf dem Gebiet des Warenzeichenrechts unterbreitet: einen Verordnungsentwurf über die Schaffung einer Gemeinschaftsmarke und einen Richtlinienentwurf über die Rechtsangleichung des Markenrechts der Mitgliedstaaten. Diese Vorschläge sind von einer Expertengruppe einer genaueren Prüfung dahingehend unterzogen worden, wieweit sie dem im EG-Vertrag auch verankerten Verbraucherinteresse dienen. Die Gruppe, der die Autorin angehörte, fand zwar in den Vorschlägen einige bemerkenswerte Verbesserungen zur Beseitigung von Handelshemmnissen, die von unterschiedlichen Markenrechten ausgehen können. Das Verbraucherinteresse and Produkt- und Markttransparenz, an Vermeidung künstlicher Produktdifferenzierung, an Garantiemarken und an Verbrauchervertretung hat jedoch in die Vorschläge kaum Eingang gefunden. Zur Bestimmung des Verbraucherinteresses im Markenrecht arbeitet die Autorin Problembereiche heraus, die teilweise der Rechtsprechung des Europäischen Gerichtshofes zugrunde liegen (Parallelimporte, «inter-brand»-Wettbewerb, konfligierende herkunftsgleiche oder verwechslungsfähige Marken), sich teilweise auch erst ergeben, wenn eine Gemeinschaftsmarke neben die (bestehenbleibenden) nationalen Markensysteme tritt. Zum Schluß ihres Beitrages macht die Autorin Vorschläge zur Einführung von Garantiemarken auf EG-Ebene nach englischem Vorbild und zur Schaffung einer Verbrauchervertretung in einem künftigen EG-Markenamt.


She is a member of working groups of the Consumers Consultive Committee on trade marks and on patents.  相似文献   

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Trade, offshoring, and the invisible handshake   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
We study the effect of globalization on the volatility of wages and worker welfare in a model in which risk is allocated through long-run employment relationships (the ‘invisible handshake’). Globalization can take two forms: international integration of commodity markets (i.e., free trade) and international integration of factor markets (i.e., offshoring). In a two-country, two-good, two-factor model we show that free trade and offshoring have opposite effects on rich-country workers. Free trade hurts rich-country workers, while reducing the volatility of their wages; by contrast, offshoring benefits them, while raising the volatility of their wages. We thus formalize, but also sharply circumscribe, a common critique of globalization.  相似文献   

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It has been suggested that there have been shifts in comparative advantage for labor-intensive manufactures from the Newly Industrializing Countires (NICs) to other developing countries, permitting these latter states to export these products to the world market. An analysis of changes in exports for selected three-digit product categories for manufactures for sixteen countries from 1968 to 1976 and from 1976 to 1982, however, indicated that such shifts have not occurred. Many of the other developing countries that have expanded such exports have done so in the same product categories as the NICs, not different ones. In other cases, export gains of some developing countries were matched by losses by other developing states.  相似文献   

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《Business Horizons》2020,63(1):109-119
Today’s disruptive innovations are driving the creation of numerous billion-dollar startups. Venture capitalists focus on these potentially disruptive technology startups and fund them furiously, advancing their speed of growth. The idea is to scale fast and seek huge returns for investors. Terms that define this type of aggressive scaling have recently developed in Silicon Valley. Unicorn is defined as a venture with a value of $1 billion, while a decacorn describes startups with a value of $10 billion. Another recent term is blitzscaling: funding a venture for extremely fast growth and prioritizing speed over efficiency in an environment of uncertainty. While blitzscaling is being used heavily by investors in Silicon Valley, we look at exactly what comprises this new phenomenon and how it is used in practice. We examine the concept, its stages, and its prevalence before reviewing the different examples of how the strategy has been implemented for success (the good), cases of its failure in practice (the bad), and the extreme cases of ethical compromise by ventures (the ugly). From these cases, we draw specific lessons that, if understood and appropriately addressed, would help new ventures effectively implement the strategy.  相似文献   

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