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1.
樊海潮 《技术经济》2007,26(7):90-95
对H.Davoodi,D.Xie,and H.Zou的两篇文章中的内生增长模型进行了改进;把地方财政决算支出占国家决算支出的比重看作衡量财政分权的指标,并利用1986-2004年间的数据对财政分权对我国经济增长的作用进行了两组回归分析。发现在1986-1990年间我国的财政分权的比重过高阻碍了我国的经济增长;在1991-2004年间我国的财政分权程度与我国的最大化经济增长相符。最后,对得出的统计结论进行了充分的解释。  相似文献   

2.
以财政收支活动为具体体现的地方政府行为是在特定财政体制框架内,对财政资源在中央、地方和各微观经济主体(包括企业和个人)之间的筹集和分配,其实质是对诸多社会利益主体产权边界重新划分、界定而使其达到均衡.笔者从包含公共支出的内生增长模型,推出了反映宏观税负与经济增长关系的Laffer曲线;并利用转型期分省宏观经济数据对Laffer曲线进行了实证检验,揭示出宏观税负过重不利于经济增长的结论.  相似文献   

3.
税收分权与经济增长——基于省际面板数据的实证分析   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
通过建立面板数据计量模型,利用1999-2008年中国30个省(自治区、直辖市)的数据(不含西藏和港澳台地区),对税收分权与经济增长之间的关系进行实证分析。结果显示:在中国式财政分权体制下,无论是从全国还是从分区域看,提高税收分权度对经济增长均具有消极作用。其原因并不是税收分权本身对经济增长有消极作用,而是不合理的税收分权制度安排,抵消了分权带来的激励效果。因此,要提高税收分权对经济增长的激励效果,就必须理顺中央与地方间的税权关系,赋予地方一定的税收立法权;理顺中央和地方间的事权关系,明晰各级政府的税权范围;理顺税费关系,规范制度外收入渠道,完善政府间财政转移支付制度。  相似文献   

4.
文章基于AS-AD的分析框架,利用Blanchrd-Quah的SVAR分解方式,研究分析了财政分权对经济周期波动的影响.由于公共投资的挤出效应以及资本效率部门间的差异,财政分权在带来需求冲击增加的同时,也带来了负向的供给冲击效应,二者共同的作用使得:(1)经济运行中表现出"价格与产出正向关联";(2)经济波动表现出"收-放"循环的特征,即分权导致产出增加、物价上涨,限制经济过热则导致产出与物价的下降;(3)分权促进经济增长并非源于分权增加社会供给能力,而是源于分权增加了社会需求水平.根据1952-2007年的数据,文章检验了上述推论,并指出频繁调整的中央与地方财政关系是经济波动"大起大落"的重要因素.  相似文献   

5.
最优财政分权度与我国经济增长的关系研究   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
过度集权或者过度分权都不利于经济增长,因此理论上可能存在一个最优财政分权度,并与最优经济增长水平相适应.本文对我国1985年至2000年财政分权对经济增长的影响进行了非线性关系检验,结果表明我国的最优财政分权度为66.67%.同时指出,我国的财政分权并不是面临一个是否应进一步分权或集权的问题,而是应该朝着制度完备的分权方向发展,使得财政分权通过制度的规范化、科学化、透明化、公正化而发挥其积极作用.  相似文献   

6.
Ideas from the theory of incentives and organization are deployed to examine how some aspects of economic governance—primarily protection of property rights, enforcement of contracts, and oversight regulation—can be improved for achieving better economic growth and development. Some suggestions for reform of governance institutions in developing countries are offered.  相似文献   

7.
依据资源基础理论,财政自主权作为一种有价值、稀缺、不可完全模仿、组织可利用的财政资源,是地方政府取得良好区域创新绩效的来源;使用2007—2016年中国分省(自治区、直辖市)的面板数据,实证检验了财政分权对区域创新绩效的影响。研究发现:①财政分权对区域创新绩效具有显著的正向影响,在考虑财政分权异质性、创新绩效异质性、创新强度、内生性等问题后,结果依然稳健;②地方政府在运用支出自主权为获取良好的区域创新绩效时,存在"软约束"问题,即收入分权对支出分权与区域创新绩效之间的关系具有约束作用但不显著,可能的原因在于转移支付的"公共池"效应与创新锁定效应。  相似文献   

8.
产业组织分散化:我国经济发展过程中的一个必经阶段   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
本文对我国产业组织分散化现象作了分析。文章认为产业组织分散化是我国经济发展过程中的一个必经阶段,是产业组织成长的具体表现。产业组织分散化改善了我国工业的市场结构和市场行为,也提高了工业的市场绩效。  相似文献   

9.
This paper reviews the impact of India's reforms since 1991 on the performance of the Indian economy. It shows that the reforms definitely achieved a significant acceleration in growth and they also succeeded in reducing poverty. However, they have been less successful in generating good quality jobs. There was progress in providing better access to education, health services ,and clean drinking water and sanitation, but less than was hoped. The area where performance has been most disappointing is environmental sustainability. The paper concludes by identifying some of the critical policy challenges in the years ahead.  相似文献   

10.
The decentralization of fiscal authority to lower level jurisdictions contributes to the efficient delivery of public services, but conflicts with national objectives. This paper argues that the system of fiscal relations, including both the grant structure and institutions for policy coordination, are necessary for achieving the full benefits of fiscal decentralization while preserving national efficiency and equity objectives. The case for decentralization is recounted, along with the ways it can impinge upon efficiency and equity in the national economy. These adverse effects can be mitigated by appropriate fiscal transfers, both equalizing and conditional, and suitable measures of policy harmonization.  相似文献   

11.
中国的财政分权与经济增长——基于省级面板数据的实证   总被引:11,自引:0,他引:11  
在Barro、Davoodi和Zou模型的基础上,本文构造了一个财政分权与经济增长关系的模型,并利用1980-2004年省级面板数据,采用随机效应回归方法,分阶段实证研究了我国财政分权对经济增长的影响.实证研究发现,财政分权总体上促进了我国的经济增长,而且我国财政分权的经济增长效应存在显著的跨区差异,东部地区的财政分权经济增长优势高于中西部地区.作者认为,财政分权体制下地方政府财政行为的差异与公共支出构成的差异是造成我国财政分权经济增长效应跨区差异的重要原因.  相似文献   

12.
Abstract:

The pre-WWII approaches to trade unions were mainly based on the theoretical and methodological viewpoints of early institutional economics. Trade unions were conceived of as politico-economic organizations whose members were motivated by relative comparisons, and also were concerned with issues of equity and justice. In the post-war period, there was a major theoretical and methodological shift toward the idea of unions as optimizing economic units with well-defined objective functions, which are optimized subject to purely economic constraints. This conceptual transformation took place mainly through the Dunlop -Ross debate, in which John Dunlop conceived of unions as analogous to business firms, as opposed to Arthur Ross’s institutional and political approach. However, after decades of analytical developments, the current state of trade union theory has not produced very impressive theoretical results. We trace the historical development of the economic analysis of trade unions from a methodological perspective. We also examine the methodological reasons for the dominance of Dunlop’s approach, and the current state of – and the contemporary criticism toward – the established theory. Furthermore, we discuss the contemporary efforts to build a more comprehensive approach to trade union theory and trade union objectives, also incorporating Ross’s institutional and political insights.  相似文献   

13.
The recent publication of "Institutions and Economic Development: Theory, Policy and History" (Chang 2011a) has stimulated a thought-provoking debate, and has brought forth a wide-ranging demonstration of the theoretical arsenal of the new institutional economics. The debate proves that, as of yet, no satisfactory theory of institutions has been articulated, nor is there an agreement on the relationship between institutional change and the politics of development. It also demonstrates the presence of two distinct lines of research: ideological and political, both of which rely on different theoretical legacies, and embody distinct economic worldviews. This scenario allows a summary of the argument in the most recent literature to be made on the relationship between institutions and development, as well as to relate the debate to the concept of development as a process of expansion of capacities.  相似文献   

14.
转型中的分权与公共品供给:基于中国经验的实证研究   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
文章首先从理论上阐述了中国转型中分权与公共品供给的内在联系;进而利用中国省级面板数据,构建动态结构模型,在控制住财政分权与公共品内生关系基础上,运用系统广义矩估计方法(SYS GMM)检验证实了理论分析的推论:分权对"硬"公共品供给有明显加速作用,时"软"公共品供给有明显抑制作用;经济较差的地区,分权速度会加快,其中人口密度较高的地区分权速度要比人口密度低的地区快;人口密度较高、经济较好的地区分权速度会减弱;分权程度变化与政府行政效率间存在显著正相关关系."发展型政府"更偏好"硬"公共品供给,因而更偏好高分权.  相似文献   

15.
经济转型的实践表明,制度移植很大程度上取代了制度设计.而制度移植成功的关键在于制度创新,将移植来的正式制度形式与本土的非正式制度相融合.如果在经济转型过程中只关注目标制度的形式,而不关心其内涵,必然会与本土的非正式制度形成冲突,导致移植失灵,陷入制度陷阱.文章的主要观点通过对中国和俄罗斯制度创新模式的实证分析得到支撑.  相似文献   

16.
Abstract

China’s economic transition has reached a stage where the past experimental approach is no longer sufficient. Future policy reforms need to be carried out in a holistic rather than a piecemeal manner. This paper analyzes the reforms of two related institutions in China: the household registration system and the rural land system. We argue that further institutional changes warrant national initiatives and coordinated reforms rather than merely drawing on local pilot experiences. A holistic policy package that can simultaneously promote the reforms of the household registration and the rural land system is proposed. We use fiscal simulations to illustrate the feasibility of the proposed holistic policy package.  相似文献   

17.
于国旺 《经济问题》2007,339(11):29-31
财务治理采取集权式、分权式抑或二者的结合,将对非营利组织获取和使用资源的经济性、效率和效果产生重要影响.由于集权和分权各有优缺点,非营利组织管理当局应当依据财务管理的具体运行情况,在充分考虑组织内外部各种因素的基础上,实行一种集权和分权均衡结合的"适度分权"模式.  相似文献   

18.
文章在财政分权理论的框架下,利用21个省市区1995~2004年间的面板数据,实证检验了财政分权对中国收入不平等的影响。结果发现:财政分权对中国居民收入差距的整体扩大起到推动作用,但对西部地区的整体和农村的收入差距具有抑制作用;经济发展水平、人口浓度、人力资本和城市化等控制变量对收入差距也有不同的影响。  相似文献   

19.
企业向具备专有知识的员工分权是知识经济下企业不可避免的一种制度趋势,很多研究论证了分权在获取专有知识方面的效率。然而,知识守护问题则是知识经济下企业分权的困境。由于知识守护的存在,单纯的权力下放并不能实现权力与知识的匹配效率,知识守护构成了企业向专家下放权力的制度阻滞,约束了企业分权的程度。  相似文献   

20.
The 14th general election in May 2018 brought about an unexpected change in political rule in Malaysia for the first time since the country's independence in 1957. In its first year of rule, the new Pakatan Harapan‐led government implemented several populist economic policies that were drawn from its election manifesto. While these policies may have moderated populist politics to some extent, they have also weakened the government's fiscal capacity. Ethnic fragmentation and a strengthened opposition alliance have also made it difficult for the new government to implement its ambitious institutional reform agenda.  相似文献   

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