新企业所得税对高新技术企业的影响及对策

高新技术产业决定一个国家的经济、政治地位,现代国家之间的竞争核心是科学技术,我国将把提高自主创新能力作为贯彻落实科学发展观的重大原则,并且已被提高到国家战略的高度,而政府调节经济发展、促进高科技产业腾飞的重要手段是税收政策.本文就新企业所得税法对高新技术企业的影响进行了重点分析,同时提出了相应的对策,以此期望给企业带来新的发展契机和发展动力.     

Autocratic tensions,cronyism, and the opacity of business information: party newspapers and circulation figures during the Francoist dictatorship (1939–1975)

Autocracies draw their political power from cronyism and organized repression. The opacity of business information (economic censorship) protects these regimes and their crony firms from any opposition. However, autocracies might also desire to eliminate cronyism (and therefore opacity) because it dampens economic growth. Autocracies survive through repression that engenders tensions, as evident in the Spanish newspaper industry during the Francoist dictatorship. State control over this industry was important because the press disseminated news to the public. From 1939 to 1957, the autocracy institutionalized both cronyism and the opacity of circulation figures to sustain the political powers of Franco and the single party state. Opacity concealed the economic performance of newspapers owned by sole legal party and any distribution of resources in its favor. Franco authorized voluntary disclosure of reliable circulation figures in 1964, after eliminating cronyism in favor of a freer market. Repression guaranteed support for this industry until Franco's death.     

State ownership,political ideology,and firm performance around the world

It is often taken as a stylized fact that state ownership harms the financial performance of firms. Yet we show that this relationship varies greatly across national contexts. We argue that the political ideology of the government, both independently and in conjunction with political institutions (state capacity and political constraint), affects this relationship. We test our hypotheses using meta-analytical techniques on an international sample spanning 53 years and 131 countries. Our research sheds further light on the state ownership – firm performance relationship by highlighting the role of the political ideology of the government, and its interactions with political institutions.     

Political Connection,Ownership Structure,and Corporate Philanthropy in China: A Strategic-Political Perspective

This paper investigates whether philanthropic giving decisions and amount of charitable giving are related to firms’ political connections and ownership type. To this end, Chinese firms listed on either the Shenzhen or Shanghai stock exchange between 2004 and 2011 are examined, where government interference in the business sector is prevalent, state ownership structure is dominant, and corporate political connections prevail. Our analyses show (1) a significant and positive relationship between political connections and the likelihood and extent of firm contributions; (2) a significant and negative relationship between state ownership and extent of firm contributions; and (3) a stronger relationship between political connections and corporate philanthropy in non-state-owned firms. These findings with regard to the relationship between corporate giving, political connections, and ownership type have important implications for understanding corporate giving behavior in China and in emerging markets in general.     

新世纪新主题:流通现代化——促进流通创新 提高流通效能政策研究

由于市场经济框架的逐步确立,买方市场状态的日益明显,电子信息时代的悄然降临,都在呼唤着中国传统流通业尽快实现向现代流通业的历史性跨越。流通创新的理论和政策亟待寻求新的突破,以便大幅度提高流通效能和经济运行的总体质量。     

经理自主权、政治成本与R&D投入

以中国上市公司为对象,研究经理自主权和政治成本对企业R&D投入的影响。研究发现,经理自主权总体上对企业R&D投入强度有显著的正面影响,其中,以董事长与总经理两职兼任为特征的职位权和以营运资金或自由现金流为特征的运作权均与R&D投入强度显著正相关,但以高管薪酬差异为特征的薪酬权与R&D投入之间的关系不明显。政治成本对R&D投入的影响复杂,其中,公司性质和行业垄断性的影响明显,第一大股东为国有股或国有法人股的企业的R&D投入强度明显更高,垄断行业的R&D投入强度却显著更低;企业规模与R&D强度之间总体上呈显著的U型关系,但这一关系明显受到企业性质的影响,在第一大股东为国有股或国有法人股的企业里这种U型关系首先削弱,随着企业规模的变化,R&D强度的变动幅度相对较小。另外,R&D强度还与总经理持股比例、资产负债率以及是否为高科技行业等因素显著正相关,而与股权集中度、经理变更、资产收益率、年份的关系不明显。     

Advocacy Advertising,the First Amendment,and Competitive Advantage: A Comment on Cutler & Muehling

Abstract

A continuing difficulty in regulating corporate advocacy advertising is distinguishing between political and commercial speech. An article by Cutler and Muehling argues that the competitive impact of an advertisement should be a factor in determining whether a corporate advocacy advertisement is commercial or political speech. If a corporate ad primarily benefits the ad sponsor, the ad is likely to be considered commercial speech, Cutler and Muehling say. If the ad benefits a larger industry or society, Cutler and Muehling would call the ad political speech. This comment argues that the Cutler and Muehling proposal helps little to illuminate or modify controlling Supreme Court criteria for distinguishing political and commercial speech. The comment also argues that the vagueness of the Cutler and Muehling proposal would permit the unconstitutional regulation of corporate political speech by misclassifying it as commercial speech.     

Steel crisis and steel policy — A comparison

The recent steel conflict between the USA and Europe has once again dramatically highlighted the close links between political and economic strategies in this field. The world-wide steel crisis has provoked permanent state intervention in the steel industry. The forms taken by this intervention are examined and compared here for four Western European countries: the Federal Republic of Germany, France, Britain and Austria.     

Corporate Political Strategy: An Examination of the Relation between Political Expenditures, Environmental Performance, and Environmental Disclosure

Two fundamental business ethics issues that repeatedly surface in the academic literature relate to business’s role in the development of public policy [Suarez, S. L.: 2000, Does Business Learn? (The University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor, MI); Roberts, R. W. and D. D. Bobek: 2004, Accounting, Organizations and Society 29(5–6), 565–590] and its role in responsibly managing the natural environment [Newton, L.: 2005, Business Ethics and the Natural Environment (Blackwell Publishing, Oxford)]. When studied together, researchers often examine if, and how, corporations influence environmental policy decisions. Drawing from literatures on?corporate political activity, corporate social and environmental performance, and corporate environmental disclosure, we develop and empirically examine two research questions concerning the relations between corporate political expenditures, environmental performance, and environmental disclosure. The questions are: (1) Do corporations that are poorer environmental performers spend more on political activities than their better-performing counterparts? (2) Is there an association between corporations’ spending on political activities and the extent of their financial report environmental disclosures? We investigated these questions through analyses of data we gathered on a sample consisting of 119 U.S. environmentally sensitive firms for the 2001–2002 election cycle. After controlling for firm size and specific industry effects, our tests reveal a significant, inverse relationship between firm environmental performance and political spending. This is consistent with the notion that U.S. firms with relatively poorer environmental performance records engage more intensely in corporate political activities as part of their overall strategic management of their relationship with the state. In addition, a significant and positive association between the amount of political spending and the extent of environmental disclosure suggests that environmental disclosure and political spending are both proactive, complementary tactics to strategically manage public policy pressure. If corporations’ strategies are intentionally designed to unreasonably limit their environmental responsibilities or to misrepresent firm environmental performance, then we argue that these activities reflect a significant lapse in ethical conduct.     

产业耦合、区域异质性与新零售组织场域

新零售业态发展受制于零售业与物流业耦合状况。两业耦合约束下，如何构建新零售组织场域是深化零售业变革以提升经济效率的重要现实问题。文章首先量化分析中国东、中和西部区域零售业与物流业耦合关系及其协调发展水平；其次提出考虑区域异质性下的新零售制度创业优势路径，并剖析新零售组织场域建构过程及其逻辑。研究发现：(1)中国零售业与物流业处于正向非对称共生状态，且共生度表现明显的区域差异；(2)零售业与物流业耦合互动状况整体不佳，东部协调水平最高，总体处于中度协调阶段，西部协调水平最低，处于勉强协调阶段；(3)东、中和西部理应分别建构平台服务商、实体零售商和物流服务商主导下的新零售组织场域；(4)三种新零售组织场域形成过程中的制度创业、集体行动、合法性建立以及新旧制度联动变迁等组织行为逻辑存在差异。研究结论为推进中国新零售业态持续健康发展提供理论支撑和实践启示。     

Economic Patriotism, the Clash of Capitalisms, and State Aid in the European Union

This article analyses the political economy of state aid in the European Union (EU) using the concepts of economic patriotism and models of capitalism. State aid is analysed as a form of economic patriotism, which is conceived here as economic interventions which seek, by a number of means, to advance the perceived economic self-interest of particular groups and actors (firms, workforces, or sectors) defined according to their territorial status. The article argues that the paradox of neo-liberal democracy generated by liberal international markets, overlapping economic governance regimes (such as the EU and the World Trade Organisation), and nationally delimited political mandates presents new problems for policy-makers attempting economic interventions like state aid. Forms of economic patriotism are partly shaped by national institutional and social configurations and state traditions. Within EU economic governance, this generates a ‘clash of capitalisms’ whereby liberal EU anti-trust and competition policy norms proscribe certain state aid and industrial policy measures favoured by some European states. As traditional industrial policy becomes decreasingly viable, new modes of economic patriotic interventionism are enacted within contemporary processes of market-making, and the re-regulatory activity framing European markets. The paper focuses on French state aid responses to the global economic crisis, noting how the retreat of neo-liberal ebullience within the EU provides a conducive environment for resurgent French dirigiste approaches to state aid, indicating that the politics of economic patriotism and state aid will continue to be important features of the European political economic landscape in the years ahead.     

Jason Scott Smith. Building New Deal Liberalism: The Political Economy of Public Works, 1933-1956

Jason Scott Smith's ambitious, some might say overly-ambitious,goal is to "construct a new narrative" of the New Deal's significanceby using the lens of political economy to examine and explainhow the policies initiated during that historical phase "revolutionizedthe priorities of the American state, radically transformingthe physical landscape, political system, and economy of theUnited States" (p. 1). Smith most certainly does not see NewDeal policies as failures that were incapable of getting theU.S.     

Trade, wages, and the political economy of trade protection: evidence from the Colombian trade reforms

Worker industry affiliation plays a crucial role in how trade policy affects wages in many trade models. Yet, most research has focused on how trade policy affects wages by altering the economy-wide returns to a specific worker characteristic (i.e., skill or education) rather than through worker industry affiliation. This paper exploits drastic trade liberalizations in Colombia in the 1980s and 1990s to investigate the relationship between protection and industry wage premiums. We relate wage premiums to trade policy in an empirical framework that accounts for the political economy of trade protection. Accounting for time-invariant political economy factors is critical. When we do not control for unobserved time-invariant industry characteristics, we find that workers in protected sectors earn less than workers with similar observable characteristics in unprotected sectors. Allowing for industry fixed effects reverses the result: trade protection increases relative wages. This positive relationship persists when we instrument for tariff changes. Our results are in line with short- and medium-run models of trade where labor is immobile across sectors or, alternatively, with the existence of industry rents that are reduced by trade liberalization. In the context of the current debate on the rising income inequality in developing countries, our findings point to a source of disparity beyond the well-documented rise in the economy-wide skill premium: because tariff reductions were proportionately larger in sectors employing a high fraction of less-skilled workers, the decrease in the wage premiums in these sectors affected such workers disproportionately.     

新形势下如何做好企业思想政治工作

是搞好经济工作和其他一切工作的有力保证.目前,大庆钻探正处于改革与发展的关键时期,一些亟待解决的深层次矛盾和问题正逐步显现出来.面对新形势下的矛盾与问题,思想政治工作怎样做?作者从三方面进行阐述:一、基层企业思想政治工作"实"为先;二、基层企业思想政治工作要与时俱进;三、基层企业思想政治工作方法要有可操作性.     

British business and the politics of trade with the USSR during the New Economic Policy (NEP) 1

British commercial and political hopes to expand trade in the new Soviet state after 1920 were to an extent disappointed. Despite successful ventures by individual companies, in aggregate business fell short of expectations, especially compared with German and American competitors. The reasons were both (micro and macro) economic variables and political factors, in Britain and the USSR. From 1926 the Soviet regime was committed to rapid industrialization and a pattern of imports in which Germany enjoyed some comparative advantage. But, in contrast to major rivals, British governments occasionally tried to use trade as a political instrument to the disadvantage of commercial operations.     

A New World Order: The Role of Advertising in Russia and the NIS

Changes in worldwide political and economic strategies have contributed to the changing role of advertising as an institution in Russia. One result is the rapid growth of Russia's advertising industry and its similarity to Western classical liberalism and neoliberalism propositions of marketing communication. This article builds on the author's previous studies on the role of advertising in what is now Russia through participants' own words and visions of advertising. In-depth interviews with business and industry professionals, academicians and government representatives provided insight into changes in the perception and practice of advertising in Russia.     

Entrepreneurial Orientation,Managerial Networking,and New Venture Performance in China

Based on institutional theory, this study investigates the moderating effects of different types of managerial networking (political networking, financial networking, and business networking) on the relationship between entrepreneurial orientation (EO) and new venture performance in China. The study finds that political networking has a negative moderating effect on the positive relationship between EO and new venture performance, financial networking has an inverse U‐shaped impact, and business networking has a positive effect. The findings not only enrich our understanding of the impact of managerial networking on the performance implication of EO in new ventures, but also offer new ventures some guidance on how to use EO and different types of managerial networking to enhance performance in China's transition economy.     

转型期中国政府过程中制度与角色非良性互动的表现、成因及对策

在当代中国政府过程的政治输入过程、政治转换过程、政治输出过程和政治反馈过程中,制度与角色的非良性互动是客观存在的,其成因包括社会公共需求快速扩张,中国社会需求结构根本性变革;社会转型期政府越位、缺位并存;制度供求关系失衡,制度供大于求与供小于求并存。克服制度与角色的非良性互动的对策包括构建＂社会基础秩序＂,制度优先与增强制度约束的刚性;增加政治机会,增强政治系统的开放性与透明度;培育公民社会,推动政治国家与公民社会的良性互动。     

Trade Disputes and Non‐state Actors: New Institutional Arrangements and the Privatisation of Commercial Diplomacy

Critical aspects of commercial diplomacy in the United States and the European Union are undergoing a process of gradual privatisation. We examine institutional arrangements that permit private groups (predominantly industry associations and firms) to petition for the initiation of trade disputes, propose agenda items for multilateral negotiations in the World Trade Organisation, and conduct negotiations on proposals for regulatory reform outside state‐to‐state channels. These include the United States’ Section 301, the European Union's Trade Barriers Regulation, formal consultation processes surrounding WTO negotiations, and the Transatlantic Business Dialogue. We explore the reasons why governments have opened up these new access points for industry, draw comparisons among the institutions and between the US and EU experience of them, and outline patterns of industry use of the petition mechanisms by broad industrial classification. Along with building theory on comparative private‐sector policy substitutability, we consider some of the normative issues raised by institutions for privatised commercial diplomacy.     

Corporate Social Responsibility,Ownership Structure,and Political Interference: Evidence from China

Prior research suggests that ownership structure is associated to corporate social responsibility (CSR) in developed countries. This article examines whether and how ownership structure affects CSR in emerging markets using Chinese firms’ social responsibility ranking. Our empirical evidences show that for non-state-owned firms, corporate ownership dispersion is positively associated to CSR. However, for state-owned firms, whose controlling shareholder is the state, this relation is reversed. We attribute the reversed relationship to political interferences and further test this hypothesis by demonstrating that regional economic development is negatively related to CSR for state-owned firms due to decreased political interference in more developed areas. This study is the first to directly examine the relationship between the dispersion of corporate ownership and CSR in emerging markets, and our results depict that it is important to consider ownership type in assessing CSR in emerging market where state ownership is still prevalent such as China. The results also reveal that firm size, profitability, employee power, leverage, and growth opportunity affect CSR in China.