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4月28日上午,工行在雅安芦山地震灾区设立的"板房银行"正式开门营业。在位于芦山县迎宾大道路边的"板房银行"门口,一位前来办理业务的客户告诉记者:"听说板房银行今天开业,专门来这里转账。虽然板房银行的营业条件与原来相比显得有些简陋,但服务几乎没有差别。"工行四川分行工作人员告诉记者,为进一步改善地震灾区居民的金融服务条件,工行连夜在芦山县搭建"板房 相似文献
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“5.12”大地震后,灾区父老乡亲的生命救援和家园重建,深深牵挂着工行人的心。在省分行党委的组织领导下,全省工行系统干部员工踊跃捐款,迅速构建起社会捐赠的快捷汇款通道。涌动的爱心,在工行人的接力下源源不断汇集到灾区…… 相似文献
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This paper draws on a governmentality framing to consider the global fight against corruption and the role of accounting in that fight. Specifically it examines two contrasting modes of thought or ‘mentalities’ in the anticorruption field and the manner in which they shape, envision, and constitute the cultural and technological practice of accounting. The first of these—the orthodox mentality—is evident in the programmatic discourses and academic research of the major anticorruption organizations (esp., the World Bank, United Nations, IMF, OECD, and Transparency International). This mentality has us envision accounting’s involvement in the fight as part of a relatively unproblematic if not noble cause. The second, radical mentality draws on race-, gender-, and class-based commentaries and has us see accounting’s involvement in more ambivalent terms: as a potential enabler but also a potential constrainer of economic accountability and the achievement of the liberal republican dream. 相似文献
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美国国债今年到达了146600亿这个巨大的数目,随着标准普尔对美国国债评级的下调,一场关于美国国债的风暴席卷而来。然而在我看来,这一切只是美国共和党与民主党之间的一场政治斗争。中国作为美国第一大债权国,成为了两党斗争的筹码,损失了利益却改变不了美国对待中国的策略。 相似文献
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WHEN SHAREHOLDERS CHOOSE NOT TO MAXIMIZE VALUE: THE UNION BANK OF SWITZERLAND'S 1994 PROXY FIGHT 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
This paper examines the fight over a share reunification plan that pitted Swiss financier Martin Ebner against Union Bank of Switzerland (UBS), once the largest Swiss bank and a global leader in asset management. In the U.S. corporate governance debate, large shareholders are often held up as a possible solution to corporate governance problems. But this examination of the UBS proxy fight shows why some large shareholders can themselves be a source of governance problems. The share reunification plan was designed to combine the firm's two classes of stock: registered (voting) shares and bearer (non-voting) shares. As its motive for the plan, the UBS board cited a desire both to increase liquidity and to prevent a control change. The majority of the holders of the company's registered stock—many of whom had other financial ties to the bank—ended up voting for a proposal that caused them to lose 11% of the value of their shares during the three trading days following its announcement, and eventually almost twice as much. Moreover, even the holders of the bearer stock hurt themselves by approving the reunification plan. Although the plan clearly transferred value from the registered to the bearer shares, the redistribution benefits from the plan for the bearer shareholders were not sufficient to offset their losses from the reduced probability of a control change. Although it did not succeed in accomplishing its immediate goal, the UBS proxy fight is today recognized as a watershed event in Swiss corporate governance. Until recently, Switzerland's economy has been dominated by cartels, with closely overlapping boards of directors. Hostile takeovers were essentially unheard of, and criticism of management by shareholders was highly unusual. Ebner's activities have had the effect of stimulating public debate about shareholders' rights and shareholder activism. In so doing, they have made it more acceptable for shareholders to criticize management and established shareholder value as a “politically correct” goal for Swiss corporations. 相似文献
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Rangan VK 《Harvard business review》2004,82(3):112-9, 128
Most nonprofits make program decisions based on a mission rather than a strategy. They rally under the banner of a particular cause, be it "fight homelessness" or "end hunger." And since their causes are so worthwhile, they support any programs that are related--even tangentially--to their core missions. It's hard to fault people for trying to improve the state of the world, but that approach to making decisions is misguided. Acting without a clear long-term strategy can stretch an agency's core capabilities and push it in unintended directions. The fundamental problem is that many nonprofits don't have a strategy; instead, they have a mission and a portfolio of programs. But they hardly make deliberate decisions about which programs to run, which to drop, and which to turn down for funding. What most nonprofits call "strategy" is really just an intensive exercise in resource allocation and program management. This article outlines for nonprofits a four-step process for developing strategy. The first step is to create a broad, inspiring mission statement. The second step is to translate that core mission into a smaller, quantifiable operational mission. For instance, an agency whose core mission is to fight homelessness must decide if its focus is rural or urban and if it should concentrate on low-income housing loans or on establishing more shelters. The third step is to create a strategy platform; that is, the nonprofit decides how it will achieve its operational mission. Decisions about funding and about client, program, and organizational development are all made here. Once that platform is established, the nonprofit is ready to move to step four--making reasoned, strategic decisions about which programs to run and how to run them. The agency that follows these steps will improve its focus and its effectiveness at fulfilling its mission. 相似文献
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《The British Accounting Review》2019,51(5):100842
International pressures on Supreme Audit Institutions (SAIs) to fight corruption are increasing. Nevertheless, SAIs lack a clear mandate and may appear ineffective in their anticorruption work. Using an institutional approach, this paper compares the cases of seven SAIs from Scandinavian, South-European and African countries to better understand how these institutions perceive their role in fighting corruption. Our article demonstrates that the way SAIs organize their work cannot simply be explained by the countries' level of corruption. Rather, efforts to fight corruption reflect the ways in which coercive, mimetic and normative pressures interact with institutional logics to guide the SAIs' work. We conclude that the influence of INTOSAI still appears to be limited, and it needs increased institutional recognition if it is to be effective in harmonizing SAIs' work worldwide to fight corruption. 相似文献
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《The British Accounting Review》2019,51(5):100844
This special issue focuses on the interactions between accounting, public sector organisations and the socio-economic and political environments in which they operate, with a specific focus on the critical analysis of policy and practice in the fight against corruption. The aim of the special issue is to disseminate knowledge to enable a more sustainable, accountable and less corrupt public sector, regardless of where it is located in the world. It presents the work of a global community of scholars engaged in research projects on policies and strategies related to accountability, transparency, auditing, regulatory disclosure, governance, investor protection and anti-corruption initiatives in public sector organisations. The papers presented here address many different angles of corruption and aspects of the way in which it is reported using a broad range of methodologies, theoretical frameworks and research locations. Collectively, these papers demonstrate that more attention needs be given to investigating the human cost associated with illegal activity that leads to human suffering, inequality, and lifetime costs. They further emphasise that we have much to learn about regulatory disclosure and jurisprudential practice in the fight against fraud and corruption. 相似文献
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No income, no assets (NINA) and low income, low assets (LILA) debtors are a non‐negligible part of the increasingly ‘financialized’ market economy. Falling outside the financial market or accessing it through low quality financial products, NINA/LILA debtors appear to be under prioritized by both legal and judicial regimes and public policies. Focusing on the legal and judicial dimension, and taking as an illustration the Portuguese context, we discuss how preinsolvency and insolvency solutions still remain ill‐adjusted for such cases. In spite the existence of some legal provisions aiming at fostering access to law and courts regardless individuals' financial conditions, they do not perform very well with insolvent debtors lacking a regular income. Addicionally, there are non‐legal barriers that prevent those with less economic means to fight properly for their social and economic rights. 相似文献
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《The British Accounting Review》2019,51(5):100798
The purpose of this paper is to analyze how various types of auditing may contribute to fight corruption. While previous literature has primarily addressed auditing's ability to prevent corruption, this paper systematically explores auditing's potential to detect corruption. It argues that financial auditing has excluded corruption from the definition of fraud and instead classified it as ‘non-compliance with laws and regulations’. The main arguments for this exclusion is that corruption leaves no material errors in financial statements and no evidence for the auditor to follow. The paper refutes this, arguing that commercial and political corruption creates misstatements in the financial statements of the corruption giver's organization as well as the corruption receiver's organization. Thus, if auditing is to gain a more prominent role in the fight against corruption, auditing standards must include corruption in the definition of fraud, private and public sector auditors need to cooperate and exchange information, auditing techniques to detect corruption should be employed, and the auditing profession must embrace effective preventive measures such as anti-corruption certifications. 相似文献
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Cash and Corporate Control 总被引:4,自引:1,他引:4
OLUBUNMI FALEYE 《The Journal of Finance》2004,59(5):2041-2060
The takeover market is often suggested as appropriate for containing the agency problems of excessive corporate cash holdings. However, recent studies report contradictory evidence. I focus on the takeover‐deterrence effects of corporate liquidity and suggest the proxy contest as an effective alternative control mechanism. I find that proxy fight targets hold 23% more cash than comparable firms, and that the probability of a contest is significantly increasing in excess cash holdings. Proxy fight announcement return also is positively related to excess cash. Following a contest, executive turnover and special cash distributions to shareholders increase, while cash holdings significantly decline. 相似文献