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1.
Conventional aggregate trade elasticity estimates hardly vary across countries. We introduce an aggregate elasticity that is implied by theory: It is the value that equates the welfare gains from trade as implied by one‐ and multi‐sector versions of the model in Arkolakis et al. (American Economic Review, 102 (2012):94–130). These estimates are predicated on sector‐level values for trade elasticites, which we provide at three‐digit levels for 28 developed and developing countries. The values for this aggregate elasticity vary greatly across countries, and they do so because of countries' patterns of production and because a given sector‐level elasticity displays considerable cross‐country heterogeneity.  相似文献   

2.
The objective of this paper is to evaluate the relative importance of three distinct factors that motivate redistributive government policy: tariff revenues, consumer welfare, and producer profits. We generalize Grossman and Helpman's (1994, American Economic Review 84: 833–850). protection‐for‐sale model by positing that government places different weights on these components of the welfare of its polity when it decides which industries to protect and to what extent. Employing tariff data from 40 countries, the predictions from this model are used to estimate these weights. The results are surprising in their range and variety. Developing countries with weak tax systems often weigh tariff revenue heavily, while more developed countries weigh producer interests the most. Very few hold consumer welfare dear.  相似文献   

3.
We compare the evolution of earnings instability in Germany and the United Kingdom, two countries which stand for different types of welfare states. Deploying data from the German Socio‐Economic Panel (SOEP) and the British Household Panel Survey (BHPS), we estimate permanent and transitory variances of male income over the period 1984–2009 and 1991–2006, respectively. Studies in this literature generally use individual labor earnings. To uncover the role of welfare state and households in smoothening earnings shocks, we compute different income concepts ranging from gross earnings to net equivalent household income. We find evidence that the overall inequality of earnings in Germany and the United Kingdom has been rising throughout the period due to both higher permanent earnings inequality and higher earnings volatility. However, taking institutions of the welfare state and risk‐sharing households into account, we find that the volatility of net household income has remained fairly stable. Furthermore, redistribution and risk insurance provided by the welfare state is more pronounced in Germany than in the United Kingdom.  相似文献   

4.
The intense competition for foreign direct investment (FDI) by state and local governments within the United States has raised concerns among some that this leads to the underprovision of public services and possibly welfare losses for local communities. Economic analysis of this hypothesis yields mixed results. This paper investigates the impact of FDI on local education expenditures both theoretically and empirically. The theoretical model shows an ambiguous impact of FDI on local expenditures for education. Empirically using US state‐level data from 1991 to 2000 and the system‐GMM estimator that controls for fixed effects, times series issues and endogeneity, I find evidence that FDI is positively correlated with increased expenditures on education.  相似文献   

5.
This paper analyzes the interaction between the welfare stateand immigration policy. We establish a negative relationshipbetween the number of dependents and the extent of the welfarestate due to the leakage of benefits. We also explain the determinationof immigration policy as the outcome of a lobbying game betweendomestic interest groups and the government. Our results indicatethat there is evidence for welfare leakage and for lobbyingas a determinant of immigration policy. In our baseline specification,a 10 percentage points increase in the share of dependents leadsto a 7–10 percentage point decrease in the labor tax rate.Furthermore, an increase by 10 percentage points in union densityleads to a decrease of one percentage point in the share ofimmigrants in the population. In the context of EU enlargementand the ensuing migration flows, our model predicts a reductionin the size of the welfare state in the old member countries.(JEL H5, J1, J61)  相似文献   

6.
Theoretical models suggest a non‐linear relationship between government size and long‐run economic growth. However, testing this hypothesis empirically in cross‐country studies is complicated by the endogeneity of government spending and the accurate identification of inflexion points. This paper examines the non‐linear hypothesis by incorporating threshold analysis in a cross‐country growth regression. The methodology utilizes a sample‐splitting framework and follows an objective strategy for identifying and testing changes in the slope. The results provide evidence in support of the non‐linear hypothesis for a broad panel of countries.  相似文献   

7.
We provide a new framework to analyze law and public finance from the perspective of difference in legal origins. The size of the welfare system differs from country to country. The security net provided by the family and other informal institutions also varies. Our two-sector model links these phenomena. We consider two cases of security. The first considers security achieved through intra-household resource redistribution in the traditional sector. The second case considers the welfare state, which taxes the modern sector. Switching from intense family security to an extensive welfare state model enhances growth because state taxation on the modern sector harnesses the potential productivity of the entire economy. In contrast, countries with low levels of family security should transition to a small welfare state model to sustain growth. This finding explains the different trends of welfare benefits in civil law and common law countries. The different sizes of the welfare state have their origins in family law, which differently stipulates family security between civil law and common law countries.  相似文献   

8.
In this paper, we introduce urbanization as an important driver of government size. Using panel data for 175 countries from 1960 to 2010, we find that there is a close link between urbanization and the size of the public sector, especially when looking at education, health care, and social issues. Various robustness checks confirm this finding. An analysis of state‐level public spending in Colombia and Germany confirms our hypothesis on the subnational level. On the microeconomic level, people in urban areas acknowledge that governments should take more responsibility, and they are more in favor of redistribution. This finding can help to explain the evolution of government size, and it can also predict the present and future needs of urbanizing areas.  相似文献   

9.
This article explores the hypothesis that the propensity to consume out of income varies in a nonlinear fashion with fiscal variables, and in particular with government debt per capita. Using panel data from 18 Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries, we examine whether there is any empirical evidence to support the hypothesis that households move from non-Ricardian to Ricardian behaviour as government debt reaches high levels and as uncertainty about future taxes increases. Our results provide support for this hypothesis, and also suggest that private and government consumption are complements in the household utility function.  相似文献   

10.
We examine the government revenue and government expenditure nexus using a panel of 26 Indian states from 1980–1981 to 2014–2015. While most of the previous literature claims that revenue and expenditure series are non-stationary at level, we employ both Narayan and Popp two structural break and cross-sectional augmented Im-Pesaran-Shin (CIPS) panel unit root tests, and found two series are stationary. Further, our results derived from Dumitrescu–Hurlin panel causality test support the ‘fiscal synchronization’ hypothesis for Indian states. Finally, the revenue and expenditure of Indian state governments are segregated into revenue account and capital account, and again our results support the existence of ‘fiscal synchronization’ hypothesis.  相似文献   

11.
This article empirically investigates the effect of globalization on government size and debt. Using panel heterogeneous cointegration techniques to a panel of developing and developed countries, it finds that globalization reduces government size and debt. In terms of components of globalization, government size is found to increase with trade openness but decreases with financial, social and political globalization. On the other hand, government debt increases with financial and trade openness but decreases with social and political globalization. The evidence is robust to different estimation methods and different samples. Our data also indicate unidirectional causality running from globalization measures to government size and debt.  相似文献   

12.
We re-examine the tax-spending nexus using a panel of 50 US state-local government units between 1963 and 1997. We find that, unlike tax revenues, expenditures adjust to revert back to a long-term equilibrium relationship. The evidence on the short-term dynamics is also consistent with the tax-and-spend hypothesis. One implication of this finding is that the size of the government at the state-local level is not determined by expenditure demand, but rather by resource supply. This is consistent with the fact that many US state and local governments operate under constitutional or legislative limitations that seek to constrain deficits.  相似文献   

13.
Abstract. The paper proposes a panel cointegration analysis of the joint development of government expenditure and economic growth in 23 Organization Economic Cooperation and Development countries. The empirical evidence provides indication of a structural positive correlation between public spending and per‐capita gross domestic product (GDP), which is consistent with the so‐called Wagner's law. A long‐run elasticity larger than 1 suggests a more than proportional increase of government expenditure with respect to economic activity. In addition, according to the spirit of the law, we found that the correlation is usually higher in countries with lower per‐capita GDP, suggesting that the catching‐up period is characterized by a stronger development of government activities with respect to economies in a more advanced state of development.  相似文献   

14.
State‐owned enterprises continue to play a considerable role in many economies. In this study we empirically investigate the connections between these enterprises and inequality as mediated through political ideology. Using cross‐country data on the relative size of the state‐owned enterprise sector, we find strong empirical support for an inverted U‐shaped relationship between its size and income inequality. We also find strong evidence that left‐wing (vis‐a‐vis right‐wing) governments are associated with a larger state‐owned enterprise sector in countries with higher inequality. This result is robust to using cross‐sectional vs. panel data, different identification strategies, and various controls.  相似文献   

15.
《Journal of public economics》2006,90(1-2):393-402
Restrictions on working hours are more important in countries with a large welfare state. We show that this empirical observation is consistent with the strategic effects of such restrictions in a welfare state in the context of optimal direct taxation in the tradition of Mirrlees (1971) [Mirrlees, J.A., 1971. An exploration in the theory of optimum income taxation. Review of Economic Studies 38, 175–208]. Our results also apply to non-welfarist states that have income redistribution, but not in purely extortionary states.  相似文献   

16.
Testing the tax smoothing hypothesis for the EU‐15, we hypothesise that the introduction of the 3%‐deficit rule of the Maastricht Treaty in 1993 may have inhibited tax smoothing as European Union (EU)‐member states are no longer capable of letting the deficit grow as much as implied by expected decreases in government expenditure. Our results show that for some countries this fiscal rule may have indeed changed the validity of the tax smoothing hypothesis, thus implying that EU accession has caused welfare losses.  相似文献   

17.
This paper aims to explain the mixed causality nexus between corruption and inflation. For that, we apply a panel vector autoregression model on a large sample of 180 countries over the period 1996–2014. Using two corruption indexes and subsample estimations, results provide evidence that the inflation–corruption nexus is bidirectional. The causal effect is more important from corruption to inflation. Interactions remain significant but heterogeneous across subsamples with different income levels. The corruption effect is persistent only in low–middle income economies and its adverse effect on inflation is weaker in high‐income economies. The two‐way relationship between inflation and corruption reflects the inability to control inflation and the situation of the poverty trap in some countries.  相似文献   

18.
This paper presents a theoretical model and empirical analysis that connects the prevalence of intra‐industry trade with increased wage inequality from trade liberalization in both skilled and unskilled labor abundant countries. The Stolper–Samuelson effect is incorporated into an intra‐industry trade liberalization (intra‐ITL) hypothesis where skilled labor opposes protectionism in all countries engaged in intra‐industry trade because skilled workers gain at the expense of unskilled workers from multilateral trade liberalization within the skill‐intensive sector. We examine empirical evidence on whether skilled individuals are more supportive of trade liberalization than unskilled individuals across 31 countries with different levels of intra‐industry trade and skill endowments. We find that the extent to which countries engage in intra‐industry trade in high‐tech commodities is strongly linked with the intensity of opposition to protection by skilled labor. Regression results strongly support our hypothesis that skilled workers, almost everywhere, are more likely to support free trade.  相似文献   

19.
We examine a panel of 70 countries during 1966–2010 and utilize Reinhart and Rogoff crisis dates to estimate the effects of crises on the size and scope of government over both 5‐year and 10‐year horizons. We also estimate cross‐section regressions using 40‐year (1970–2010) changes in government variables. In general, the estimated effects of crises on government size/scope are statistically insignificant. We report reasonably robust evidence that inflation and currency crises lead to decreases in the extent of government regulations throughout an economy over a 10‐year horizon. Also, over the 40‐year period, countries that spent more years in crisis are associated with weaker legal systems and property rights. The size and scope of government appear to be persistent to the extent that even crisis episodes fail to leave a significant mark upon them. A notable exception may be that, over 40‐year periods, countries that spend more years in crisis are associated with weaker legal systems and property rights. (JEL E02, O11, O43)  相似文献   

20.
This study analyses the determinants of dispersion of economic issue mentions in European party manifestos. We examined three main economic domains (governmental control of the economy, free market capitalism and support for the welfare state) as consequences of globalization forces, economic conditions, partisanship and electoral turnout. Employing aggregate-level Comparative Manifesto Project (CMP) data from legislative elections in 15 European countries from 1970 to 2010, we confirm that parties hold a common view of the salience of economic control of the state as a consequence of globalization pressure and economic growth levels. Partisanship of the cabinets (regardless of the political orientation) counteracted issue salience concentration in the welfare domain. Government size favoured dispersion in the free market realm. Our results do not indicate clear homogenization of parties’ economic messages in elections over the last 40 years.  相似文献   

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