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1.
《Food Policy》2014
Can an index be constructed to assess governments’ commitment to reduce hunger? This paper argues for the need for such an index and outlines one way of constructing it. We use secondary data to construct the Hunger Reduction Commitment Index (HRCI) for 21 developing countries.We operationalise commitment around 3 themes: legal frameworks, policies and programmes and government expenditures, to find Malawi, the Gambia, Guatemala, Brazil and Senegal heading the list, with China, Nepal, Lesotho, Zambia and Guinea Bissau coming bottom. Rankings were robust to our choices about weighting and ranking methods.The paper demonstrates a viable method to measure political commitment and highlights the analytical importance of disentangling hunger commitment from hunger outcomes. Cross-tabulations of HRCI scores with hunger, wealth, administrative capacity and voice and accountability scores can guide action from different stakeholders (governments, civil society, donors). Finally, we show how primary data collection might be used to assess areas of strength and weakness in country specific commitments to reduce hunger. 相似文献
2.
A behavioral theory of governments’ ability to make credible commitments to firms: The case of the East Asian paradox 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
An expansive literature exists linking institutional constraints, credible commitments, and economic growth. Yet, this literature
runs into difficulty when it tries to explain the East Asian “paradox:” rapid economic growth achieved by countries with low
levels of formal constraints on government discretion. We use a behavioral theory of commitment to argue that the characteristics
of the salient actors (governments) and their actions (policies) affect the credibility of their behaviors in ways independent
of the structural underpinnings of a country’s political institutions. This behavioral theory of commitment provides a distinct
but complementary lens through which to view the apparent paradox presented by these East Asian countries, and more generally
provides an alternative theoretical mechanism to explain and predict governments’ ability to credibly signal their commitment
to a course of action to investing firms. The success of East Asian countries in encouraging investment from both domestic
and foreign firms implies that firms interpret governments’ actions as credible signals of their intention to honor their
commitments to firms, consistent with the behavioral theory of commitment. 相似文献
3.
Within the context of environmental voluntary agreements (VAs), this paper analyzes the determinants of the degree of participation by firms in collective corporate political strategies that aim to shape government policy. We demonstrate that substantive cooperative strategies are more likely to be pursued by firms that enter a VA close to its initiation, while symbolic cooperation is more likely behavior by late joiners. We show that late joiners and early joiners within VAs adopt different cooperative strategies because they face different institutional pressures. Our analysis is based on the strategies of firms participating in the Climate Challenge program (1995–2000) established by the U.S. Department of Energy and representatives of the national electric utilities to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. Our results show that early joiners were subjected to higher levels of political pressure at the state level and were more dependent on local and federal regulatory agencies than late joiners were. Early joiners were also better connected to the trade association and more visible. Late joiners had undertaken significantly less investment in environmental improvements than early joiners. Our paper also illustrates the difficulty involved in using VAs to try to induce improved environmental outcomes when there are no sanctioning mechanisms. Although early entrants reduced their emissions more than nonparticipants, our results show no significant difference overall between participants and nonparticipants in the reduction of their emissions. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
4.
《Food Policy》2013
How should the nutrition community be positioning nutrition within the post-2015 MDG debate? This paper represents a snapshot review of ongoing nutrition challenges, the contours of the post-MDG debate, and the views of 26 experts in nutrition and the MDGs. The paper draws out post 2015 options, develops criteria for ranking the options, applies the criteria and makes a recommendation. While a nutrition goal (the “vertical” option) that covers all countries and addresses both under and overweight and obesity may well be most effective for galvanizing commitment for nutrition and for guiding action, it does not seem politically feasible. A strong position for nutrition is to be located with hunger in a “vertical” goal with an additional “horizontal” goal which places nutrition-specific indicators alongside nutrition-relevant indicators in new goal buckets, with placement driven by the UNICEF conceptual framework for undernutrition. The “minimalist” option of simply replacing the flawed underweight indicator with the superior stunting indicator in the poverty goal will not galvanize any constituency and should be rejected. 相似文献
5.
Field JO 《Food Policy》1987,12(1):15-28
Multisectoral nutrition planning emerged in the early 1970's as a bold new approach to combating malnutrition in low-income countries. Conceptually elegant and operationally ambitious, it blossomed on paper but collapsed in practice notwithstanding vigorous promotion by international assistance agencies. This essay reviews the meteoric rise and fall of the multisectoral approach and then proceeds to examine its theoretical underpinnings. The essay concludes by identifying 12 lessons learned that, if heeded, can help the current generation of intersectoral initiatives against malnutrition to realize their potential. In retrospect, it was a mistake to assign responsibility for nutrition to economic planners and scientists who possessed little political influence or operational authority. Nutrition requires high-level political sponsorship if it is to command resources, be integrated with established ministerial responsibilities and have staying power. Nutrition planning bcame attractive to basically conservative governments anxious to accommodate international benefactors without having to accept more fundamental reforms; the analysis of malnutrition causality focused primarily on attributes of the malnourished and their families, not on the social, economic, and political order around them. 相似文献
6.
《Food Policy》1986,11(1):47-70
Ambitious integrated nutrition projects were started in the 1970s in some developing countries. Colombia's Food and Nutrition Plan (PAN) was an early and remarkable example of this model. Its short life-span — from 1976 until 1982 — was long enough to show that such a complex scheme was unlikely to work even where, as in PAN's case, an attempt is made from the onset to provide the necessary political support. The evolution and constraints of PAN are examined, together with the reasons for it being so easily dismantled. 相似文献
7.
《Food Policy》2013
The paper develops a composite index of GMO standards restrictiveness for 60 countries, assigning objective scores to six different regulatory dimensions. Using this index and its components, we empirically investigate the political and economic determinants of GMO regulations for 55 countries, controlling for spatial autocorrelation. Results show that many of the determinants highlighted in the theoretical literature, such as the structure of the agricultural sector and the institutional environment are important determinants of the restrictiveness of the GMO regulation. As a key result there emerges a prominent role of the market for information, showing that the structure of domestic mass media (public vs. private) is an important driver of GMO standards. 相似文献
8.
European Integration and Pension Policy Change: Variable Patterns of Europeanization in Italy,the Netherlands and Belgium
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This article investigates how European welfare states respond to reform pressures arising from European integration. We focus on the field of public pensions and examine the impact of two institutional variables that mediate the impact of reform pressures: the extent of public pension provision and the number of national political veto points. We argue that, all else equal, member‐states with few veto points and a relatively small public pension sector are the most likely cases of policy change in response to Europeanization, whereas member‐states with a high number of veto points and extensive public pension commitments are the least likely candidates for policy change. We test these arguments in four cases of Europeanization in three countries (Belgium, the Netherlands and Italy). 相似文献
9.
《Food Policy》2017
The Indian state of Maharashtra has been lauded as a ‘success story’ for its rapid and significant decline in undernutrition amongst children. Between 2006 and 2012, childhood stunting fell from 39 to 24%. Whilst the global policy and academic literature strongly emphasises the need to act on nutrition, there are still too few studies outlining the policy processes which been part of successful state-led strategies – particularly at a sub-national level. This study is intended to contribute to future policy via unpacking the unfolding story of policy and programme attention to nutrition. Stakeholder perceptions and opinions on the wider policy, political and contextual reasons for Maharashtra’s decline in child undernutrition were sought and used alongside documentary evidence to construct a chronology of key events. Key factors identified via this process include the way in which issue framing and evidence helped catalyse a political response; the particular governance structures employed in response (the State’s ‘Nutrition Mission’) and the way in which leadership and a focus on system-wide capacity combined in an innovative fashion to focus resources on pockets of deprivation in high-burden areas. 相似文献
10.
Vidosav Tričković 《Food Policy》1976,1(4):320-332
Nutrition should be seen as an integral part of the national planning effort. The author examines longterm determinants of food consumption in developing countries and shows that progress in improving nutrition is closely related to raising productivity and efficiency in the national economy. Optimum programmes in nutrition should be part of the design of appropriate social and economic development. This should be done at national and regional levels, with particular emphasis on the regional level. 相似文献
11.
The three major strands of the nutrition planning literature — the socio-economic consequences of malnutrition, its determinants and characteristics, and the solutions offered to the problem — are examined by the authors and found wanting. There are serious limitations both in analysis of the problems and proposals for action in most work on nutrition policies because macro-level social, institutional, economic and political factors are neglected. 相似文献
12.
This article assesses the effectiveness of nutrition programs and policies since the World Food Conference, 10 years ago. The authors perceive several distinct approaches. Just before the World Food Conference, nutrition programs had passed through an era of enchantment with technological solutions (single-cell protein, oilseed protein isolates). Supply was regarded as the problem; protein inadequacy as the crisis. None of the technological fixes had much of an impact on the malnutrition problem. This contributed to a willingness to entertain a much broader approach to nutrition. The new paradigm manifested itself 1st as a movement toward integrated nutrition planning. The national planning process was assumed to be the appropriate vehicle for applying this methodology. However, integrated nutrition planning threatened, conflicted with or at least brought pressure for change in the administrative and political reality of governmental organizations. Moreover, the nutrition community's capacity to respond to the demands flowing from the new paradigm was limited. The difficulties encountered in trying to achieve full integration led to a reexamination of working within traditional sectors but addressing the problem in several key sectors simultaneously, such as health and agriculture. The past decade also saw a move toward analyzing and improving the design and implementation of various kinds of nutrition interventions. The emphasis was on understanding and dealing with the administrative, economic and political realities of such efforts. Incorporation of consumption and nutrition considerations in the analysis and formulation of food policies in some countries is 1 of the important achievements of the past decade. This overwhelmingly economic approach focuses on pricing policies and market effects, recognizing that poverty and purchasing power are central to the malnutrition problem. Analysis of macrofood policy has filled an important void, giving a more concrete and inclusive view of food security. Nutrition progress during the next decade will require the development community to confront a changed environment and several key challenges, namely the surge of conservative politics in the early 1980s, and the severe economic problems most countries face. There is a need to be realistic about the tenacity of the problem and the multiple barriers to implementation of nutrition policies. The challenges face both national governments and development agencies. There is agreement that, during the decade since the World Food Conference, the field of nutrition has gone through a metamorphosis and that there has been progress. However, the development community still faces an unfinished nutrition agenda. 相似文献
13.
Firm non‐market capabilities and the effect of supranational institutional safeguards on the location choice of international investments
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Research Summary : We investigate the extent to which firms rely on supranational institutional safeguards versus their non‐market capabilities to offset the risks of investing abroad. We argue that firms with non‐market capabilities are insensitive to supranational institutional safeguards when choosing the location of their international investments. We show that supranational agreements between an investor's home and host nation, operationalized as bilateral investment treaties (BITs), increase the likelihood of investment, but there is substantial firm heterogeneity with respect to this relationship. Firms with various forms of non‐market capabilities are not sensitive to BITs, whereas other firms are more likely to invest under BITs. We advance the understanding of how firm non‐market capabilities can substitute for supranational institutional arrangements in addressing risks associated with host country institutional weaknesses. Managerial Summary : The risk of expropriation is one of the main concerns companies have when investing abroad. Because of this, many countries implement bilateral investment treaties (BITs) to safeguard foreign investments, alleviate foreign investor concerns, and promote investments. We show that only those companies without political competence or political connections favor countries with BITs when choosing where to invest. Companies with political competence or political connections, on the other hand, ignore BITs and apparently rely on their ability to influence governments whenever their foreign investments face expropriation threats. As a result, politically connected or competent companies can enter markets most of their competitors lacking these capabilities shy away from. They can, therefore, do business in environments in which they face less competition. 相似文献
14.
《Food Policy》2019
This study examines governance and institutional factors that influence how public resources are allocated for nutrition interventions in the context of a developing country—Mozambique—with very high rates of malnutrition. Based on qualitative empirical analysis building on a political economy framework, we explore the importance of two agent-centred and two investment-centred factors that determine how decisions on budget allocation to nutrition are made. The analysis finds that public decisionmakers strongly favour highly visible nutrition investments and those with a short duration between the time that spending is incurred and outcomes or outputs are achieved. Co-ordination has been quite successful among donors, and mainly of a spatial nature. Co-ordination is significantly weaker among government agencies, given the absence of fiscal tools of the co-ordinating agency, and its placement in a sector ministry rather than at a supra-sectoral level. Champions as change agents have had a truly influential role in attracting more funding to nutrition and improving its allocation. But their influence is also fleeting and difficult to sustain. 相似文献
15.
《Food Policy》2019
Developing countries with democratic governments periodically experience presidential transitions that affect political and institutional performance. Unforeseen uncertainties during transitions are not faced strategically and interrupt collaboration among country teams expected to jointly implement policies, including policies intended to contribute to food and nutrition security. In some low- and middle-income countries, these obstacles result in persistent hunger, malnutrition, and death mainly affecting the most vulnerable populations and contributing to unequal human development.We aimed to understand what mechanisms determined sustainability of Food and Nutrition Security Policy (FNSP) during presidential transitions, from socio-political and nutritional perspectives, in a Central American country that experiences a change of president every four years. Purposeful criterion and snowball sampling were used to recruit 52 policy actors from all relevant sectors and levels, elected or appointed, that had contributed to implementing the FNSP adopted since 2006. Data from semi-structured interviews were analyzed using open, axial, and selective coding. Results were verified using content analysis for obtaining emerging themes in news, speeches, and documents.Twenty-four forces simultaneously shaped a dynamic process determining sustainability during transitions. The forces for sustaining FNSP were Backed Up, Beneficial, Championed, Importance, Institutionally Sound, Owned, Sensitive, Shared, Steady Resources, Strategic, Transition Effect, and Trusted. The forces for not sustaining FNSP were Antagonistic Underlying Structure, Campaigning, Dysfunctional Transition, Fractioned, Haphazard, Insensitive, Irrelevant, Misrepresentation, Neglected, Rivalry, Unsound Institutions, and Unsteady Resources. These forces determining FNSP sustainability during transitions were molded by the emerging reasons for sustaining and for not sustaining policy actions as reported by the study participants. The forces favored or impeded the sustainability of an action or part of it. The forces operated at all levels and sectors, but forces affected actions differently in these. The forces did not compete, but combinations of them brought about outcomes that policy actors in charge and their collaborators could intentionally influence. The potential of forces to shape sustainability of FSNP depended on interacting actors responding to emerging events within specific contexts. Roles performed by civil society, governmental officials, and international cooperation were critical for policy sustainability during transitions.These results are consistent with Lewin’s Force Field Theory on the complex dynamics embedded in intersecting forces within contexts and identify the specific forces that were operating. Although the 24 forces were identified in one context, the set of forces likely captures the range of forces that may operate in other similar political contexts. The knowledge that such forces may be operating could be helpful in ensuring sustainability of policies in the future. Actors and other stakeholders can identify the predominant specific forces operating for a policy and activate or promote the forces that enhance sustainability and deactivate or suppress the forces that inhibit sustainability. Foreseeing or creating opportunities to activate (or deactivate) and promote (or suppress) forces during the early stages of a presidential transition could help sustain policies and related practices that benefit food and nutrition security. 相似文献
16.
17.
Berg A 《Food Policy》1987,12(4):365-375
This article is a rejoinder to an article by John Osgood Field which discussed the failure of multisectoral nutrition planning. The author argues that, although nutrition planners may have been overly optimistic in their hopes that political political systems could be made responsive to the problems, significant advances have been achieved. Many of the successes of nutrition planning and theimportance of multisectoral work are outlined. Malnutrition is a problem that escapes all the standard programs, and cannot be tackled through the health and agriculture sectors alone. There has been much critical thinking by many concerned people various countries. To suggest that nutrition planners moved blindly is to ignore much of the literature. A number of cautions--some of them very early--make it clear that practitioners were not oblivious to the bureaucratic constraints and political realities Professor Field now identifies. It would be cruelly wrong to suggest that no progress has been made. Nutrition planning may have borne fruit of a different sort than some of its early advocates envisioned, but there is no question that it bore fruit. The issue is whether nutrition planning has influenced the way people think about nutrition and the way they analyze problems. And about this there can be no doubt. 相似文献
18.
Meissner F 《Food Policy》1985,10(2):95-99
Since the early 1980s nutritional levels have deteriorated in Latin America. A growing number of multinational and bilateral assistance agencies have intensified ongoing efforts at incorporating nutrition components into the formulation of agricultural, fisheries and development projects. The main focus is on measures that would reduce additional deterioration of nutritional status. This paper reviews the response of bilateral and multilateral development agencies to the situation and outlines some practical options of systematically incorporating nutrition considerations in the formulation of agricultural, rural, urban, educational, housing, health and industrial projects. The Sub-Committee on Nutrition (SCN) of the UN Administrative Committee on Coordination has served as a clearinghouse for information on the subject. In spite of the SCN efforts to work closely with nutrition authorities of bilateral and multinational development aid agencies, nutrition has not yet become an integral component of rural or urban development projects. A number of workshops have been sponsored by the SCN and by other agencies such as the International Development Bureau (IDB); their goals and aims are reviewed and it is concluded that to incorporate nutritional considerations into development projects requires overcoming image barriers to the effect that nutrition activities are complex, costly, difficult to administer and economically not readily justifiable. 相似文献
19.
《Food Policy》2020
This article summarizes the activities performed by the Network for Capacity Development in Nutrition in Central and Eastern Europe and Balkan countries (NCDNCEE) in the past decade. The article gives a retrospective of the achievements and challenges in building capacity in nutrition research.Recognizing the lack of capacity and incoherent nutritional situation in CEE/BC, the United Nations University (UNU), Food & Nutrition Programme and the UN Standing Committee on Nutrition (SCN) encouraged the formation of NCDNCEE in 2005, which became CAPNUTRA in 2012.The network’s aim was to initiate and support tailor-made activities for capacity development in food & nutrition in research and training in CEE/BC. To identify the challenges and needs of nutrition research in the region, the network performed inventories on existence of food composition databases, food systems elements, dietary surveys, micronutrient recommendations, application of dietary assessment methods and grey literature. Further on, the network focused on the development of food composition databases and concomitant data management software, the Diet Assess & Plan platform for food consumption collection, dietary intake assessment and nutrition planning. These and other elements form the Balkan Food Platform, which underpins harmonized nutrition research in CEE/BC. Among key actions promoted by the platform are EFSA-supported dietary surveys conducted in four Balkan countries, on children and adults, in which food consumption data are collected and analysed in a harmonized way. Cooperation with FAO and active participation in international research projects enhanced the exchange of information and knowledge and brought international recognition to the CAPNUTRA network. 相似文献
20.
《Food Policy》2014
The dramatic reduction in children’s chronic malnutrition in Peru observed in recent years has defied the patterns of stunting reduction worldwide. After nearly a decade of stalled progress, the government reported a reduction in stunting rates of nearly 10 points, from 29.8% in 2005 to 18.1% in 2011. The specialized literature has acknowledged the critical role that immediate (e.g. increasing breastfeeding promotion) and underlying (e.g. investments to improve household food security) interventions have played in reducing stunting (Black et al., 2013), as well as the contributing role of enabling factors related to economic performance. This paper offers an alternative explanation to success by looking at the shift in the government’s nutrition strategy after 2006 with the formation of the Child Malnutrition Initiative (CMI), a civil society working platform, and the adoption of a national poverty reduction strategy prioritizing nutrition interventions (known as CRECER) and conditional cash transfers (JUNTOS). The paper uses veto players theory to explain how these changes effectively contributed to policy change by reducing the effective number of nutrition stakeholders involved and facilitating policy agreements around a common policy platform and established goals. The Peruvian case also highlights the importance of the government’s public commitment to reduce chronic malnutrition in children under five by 5 percent in 5 years (“5 by 5 by 5”) and the accompanying role, advocacy and monitoring from civil society organizations.The paper looks at the success of implementing the nutrition strategy in three dimensions. Horizontally, it looks at the coordination between government and non-government agencies to converge around a common policy discourse;vertically, it looks at the implementation of the nutrition strategy across national, regional and municipal governments;and financially, it looks at the coordinated and conditional allocation of nutrition funding and how this created greater incentives for horizontal and vertical coordination. The paper draws some theoretical and policy implications for improving the effective and accountable delivery of nutrition interventions in Peru and other countries outside Latin America. 相似文献