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1.
Abstract . Examination of Locke's theory political obligation suggests some of the difficulties which beset any consent theory. Stress is placed on the need for the state of nature as a real alternative to civil society, if Locke is to maintain that people have consented. It is shown that Locke has precluded a decision to remain in the state of nature and, therefore, people have not consented. This conclusion inspires a reconstruction of Locke's theory wherein people consent hypothetically: they would consent to legitimate government, if they had the opportunity to found government anew. What would they consent to? What are the criteria of legitimate government? The provisions of the Lockeian contract set out and found wanting People, as Locke sees them and living under conditions which he describes, would not consent to his contract.  相似文献   

2.
Abstract . The United States Constitution is still shrouded in myths, clothed in broad terms and garbed with ambiguities. These require constant reinterpretation. If a continuing constitutional convention is thus endemic to the American political system, then is it, as Jefferson said, “a mere thing of wax in the hands of the judiciary”? Justice Jackson wrote that “we are infallible only because we are final,” but it is a maxim of American politics that the Court follows the election returns. In the last analysis, there is a higher court in a republican democracy, the Court of Public Opinion (of which scholars and publicists are the officers) which achieves revision by periodic reinterpretation and re-examination.  相似文献   

3.
The Yale tradition of policy sciences offers a comprehensive taxonomy of human behavior, especially that which is associated with purposive institutional actions. Like newer schools of thought such as Public Choice, it has a theoretical base; like the Public Policy tradition, it focuses on historical explanations and analyses. Its categories of analysis range from Lasswell's famous eight value arenas to the seven policy functions that ate often used in identifying stages or phases of public action. Its professional breadth incorporates methods from economics, psychology, moral philosophy, and sociology, all in the context of policy behavior. The two volumes under review recapitulate theoretical and behavioral research dating back to the 1920s and still continuing at Yale and other policy centers. There is a strong moral commitment in these pages to human dignity, defined as the preferred outcomes among all competing and complementary basic values. The jurisprudence espoused in these volumes is a process through which people seek to clarify and secure their common interest; it is a tool of discovery rather than a mere syntactical philosophy of law. It is more a “political” than a “legal” science.  相似文献   

4.
C. E. Ayres's Reliance on T. H. Huxley: Did Darwin's Bulldog Bite?   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
In David Seckler's Thorstein Veblen and the Institutionalists, the proposition is advanced that “Ayres out-Veblens Veblen and out Deweys Dewey”. This commonly held view of the intellectual orientation of the prominent American institutional economist, Clarence Edwin Ayres, places him as an intellectual descendent of philosopher John Dewey's pragmatism, and economist Thorstein B, Veblen's institutionalist economics. Certainly such an outlook is not incorrect, but it is also not adequate if one is to achieve an understanding of Ayres. A careful check of the indexes of Ayres's major works shows that his references preponderantly go not to Dewey and to Veblen, but to Adam Smith and Charles Darwin, Moreover, it is to the latter that Ayres turned in his effort to overturn the former. However, Ayres in interpreting Darwin relied not upon Dewey and Veblen, but rather upon Thomas Henry Huxley, the British physician turned scientist, who because of his outspoken advocacy of Darwin's evolutionary biology became known as “Darwin's bulldog.”  相似文献   

5.
Abstract . Economic cartel theory and Sociological social movement theory are used to achieve a socio-economic analysis of the problems and behaviour of the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA). It is demonstrated that both cartel theory and social movement theory predict substantially similar behavior on the part of the NCAA and its 800-plus member institutions. Specific issues such as “need”scholarships, the possibility that the” big-time”football powers, may leave the NCAA, and the NCAA's relation with women's athletics, are considered. It is concluded that the NCAA is not likely to persist is an organization in its current form.
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6.
GoFundMe, founded in 2010, has already profoundly impacted giving practices, introducing many laypersons to the empowering potentials and user-friendly affordances of peer-to-peer fundraising. Overall, GoFundMe's extraordinary success as a for-profit company in traditionally nonprofit charitable giving markets can be attributed to: normalizing their platform as the go-to destination for people seeking help; tasking the beneficiaries themselves with crafting appeals for support; restricting forms of support to money; deferring responsibility to donors to assess the legitimacy of appeals; and dominating the market by acquiring competitors and pursuing growth wherever possible. No charity could plausibly adopt such an operating model and GoFundMe's lean, hands-off, self-policing approach has attracted sharp criticism over the years. Nonetheless, the company has not humbly reined in their ambition but expanded it even further. This paper outlines three broad phases through which GoFundMe has defended their capture of “the giving layer of the internet.” Initially, GoFundMe espoused ideals of utopian disruption and soteriological solutionism, selling their platform as a “take-action button” and user-friendly means of empowering everyday citizens to improve the lives of others. Later, after attracting more divisive causes and criticisms of its revenue model, GoFundMe adopted forms of reputational repair and attempted neutrality, insisting that their for-profit platform could be accommodative to all worldviews and persons willing to embrace “positive precarization.” More recently, as “neutral” stances became untenable and fundraising success rates increasingly grim, GoFundMe pivoted toward strategies of state critique and civic capture. Specifically, GoFundMe have: more pointedly highlighted state failures; actively aligned themselves with social movements; shifted away from relying solely on peer-to-peer fundraising; and instead partnered more with established nonprofits. However, as GoFundMe's expansion inevitably means becoming entangled in sensitive political matters, the company's ambition to become the key intermediary in all charitable giving is facing acute challenges.  相似文献   

7.
Abstract . In the Vanity of the Philosopher, Sandra Peart and David Levy reconsider “postclassical” economics from the vantage point of Adam Smith's “analytical” egalitarianism. Analytical egalitarianism is assumed, not proved; and Peart and Levy's criticisms of many 19th‐ and early 20th‐century economists, as well as eugenics in general, depend on equivocating between analytical and substantive egalitarianism. They fail to provide a non–question‐begging critique of eugenics.  相似文献   

8.
Abstract . Henry George's classicism was evident in his acceptance of “hard core” assumptions inherent in classical economic analysis, notably that rational self-interested behavior exercise in competitive markets maximized economic welfare. However, George's “stage theory,” the “Law of Human Progress,” led him to reject the classical nexus between social and economic welfare. The emergence of an exchange economy improved efficiency and economic welfare, but institutional changes lagged behind, particularly the redefinition of property rights. Consequently, economic growth based on land as a private rather than public good widened the gap between economic efficiency and social welfare. Hence George's paradox of poverty amidst progress. George resolved the equity efficiency conflict by treating land as a public good. Then, the sale of monopoly rights to land through the “single tax” on land rents captured the difference between the private and social costs of land use.  相似文献   

9.
Abstract . The paradigm of a social market economy provides a rational basis for resolving structural socioeconomic changes, as presently evidenced in the People's Republic of China. China's approach to socioeconomic change, labeled as “Socialism with Chinese Characteristics,” resembles a modified version of Eucken's paradigm of a social market economy.1 The Chinese paradigm, leaning on that of Walter Eucken, provides for a “limited”free market, which not only accommodates economic growth and change, but which also makes allowance for some degree of human, especially economic freedom, and dignity. Eucken's model is based on a sound institutional and legal framework which he considered to be essential for a viable modern market economy. China's new socioeconomic program is moving the country in this direction. It takes into account people's desire for a useful and Just socioeconomic order (however defined), characterized by stable socioeconomic and political policies and by a flexible price mechanism, to enable them to live a life in dignity, free of economic deprivation.  相似文献   

10.
11.
Abstract . Henry George's Progress and Poverty (1879) is a great ethical masterpiece. Its moral tone distinguishes the book. More than an economics test, it is a philosophic quest for justice, an impassioned declaration of the rule of natural law. Indignantly attacking the contention that economics has no place for natural law or ethics, George exclaims: “She [economics] has been degraded and shackled; her truths dislocated; her harmonies ignored.” On the contrary, George stresses, political economy (economics) is a science, and like all sciences, is governed by natural law. Furthermore, it is basically “moral.” Science must, of necessity, always lead to ethics. Natural law must, of necessity, always lead to morality, or justice.“The law of human progress, what is it but the moral law?” George asks. “Unless its foundation be laid in justice the social structure cannot stand.” The social ill that perpetuates poverty and the manifold evils it causes is private ownership of land and the private privilege of collecting its rent. “The fundamental law of nature, that the enjoyment by man shall be consequent upon his exertion, is thus violated.”  相似文献   

12.
Abstract . Writers and speakers on the “comparable worth” or “pay equity” issue refer to “the economic view” but there is no such consensus. Three major paradigms exist in labor economics, the neoclassical, the “radical” or Marxian or Neomarxian, and the institutional Each differs in philosophical orientation, employs different analytical methods, and leads to different policy implications. On the issue of pay equity for women their views are contrasted; differences center on how successfully the market extends full options of choice. The analysis indicates that incremental advances in the direction of pay equity are to be expected, given present incentives in the private sector and less economic constraints in the public sector, provided women continue economic, legal, and political pressure. Surveying The Literature on the comparable worth or pay equity debate, one often encounters reference to the economic view. In reality however, three major paradigms exist in labor economics today; the prevailing neoclassical paradigm, the radical or Marxian view, and the institutional approach. While the three can be viewed as sharing common objectives (to describe, to predict, and to prescribe) they approach issues from different philosophical frameworks, employ different analytical tools, and lead to very different policy implications. Examining the pay equity issue from the perspectives of the three paradigms suggests different insights into the issue than that usually labelled the economic view.  相似文献   

13.
Abstract . Thorstein Veblen's case for a Technocracy, “The Engineers and the Price System,” has long posed an enigma: Why would a thinker as radical as Veblen align himself with a group as conservative as engineers? But engineers themselves had developed a political economy with important points in common with Veblen's analysis. Starting from their positions as technological experts in corporations, engineers came to believe that business methods were not efficient for production; this belief led them to develop systems of scientific management as an antidote to old-style management. Later, they expanded these ideas into a system of social management called Technocracy. This system of Technocracy represented an engineering effort at formulating an industrial democracy, with the cooperation of labor. Veblen was able to write a more systematic version of these ideas, because they fit in well with his own theoretical analysis.  相似文献   

14.
Abstract . An invitation to lecture at a Chinese university in 1986 afforded the writer and his wife an opportunity to revisit China. They had been there in 1975 while the “Cultural Revolution” was still on and again in 1983. Their first visit covered major modern cities and historical capitals, their second more remote areas and their third the rural areas. They were impressed by the economic progress, especially in 1983-86, even in rural areas which are still lagging behind the cities. The ability of the Chinese to cope with overpopulation aroused their admiration but it was clear that the problem would block or handicap development and modernization efforts for decades to come. China's overpopulation problem is a warning to other developing nations which neglect family planning.  相似文献   

15.
Abstract . Many of the richest people have all or a large part of their accumulated wealth in land, yet the men and women who work the land are usually their country's most poverty-stricken. The landowning elite is very powerful because land has been concentrated in few hands. In the Third World' of less developed countries (LDCs) and in the United States this situation in the last four decades has led to an emphasis on export crops and a restructuring of agriculture to produce them. Brazilis an example of this change, which has led to deforestation and multiplication of the hungry, homeless and alienated, the new “barbarians within the gates.” Comparable developments are seen in the U.S., threatening fiscal and political stability in many countries.  相似文献   

16.
Abstract . Is it “fair” for one generation to use up, wholly or to a degree, resources which cannot be replaced? By evaluating projects involving non-replaceable resources with discount rates are future benefits undervalued?Discounted net present value is found to be a poor allocator of scarce resources. Another choice rule, Page and Ferejohn's Dominance Rule, also contains flaws. A “partitioned” approach, dividing the time horizon into sections, is an improvement and has advantages. While this third approach has basic uncertainties, it may be used to meet nondeferrable decisions while problems of equity and preference are being studied.  相似文献   

17.
Abstract . Three main types of privatization are found in the United States: (1) lower proportion of Gross National Product preempted by the public sector, leaving correspondingly more for the private sector, (2) transferring present government enterprises to private organizations; and (3) contracting out the production and delivery of services financed by public funds. Most discussions of “contracting out,” which come from the “public choice” school of economics and public administration, mainly emphasize theoretical economic advantages. They also suppose that the practice can eradicate political machinations. In contrast, this evaluation takes into account the practices’intensely political environment. Many of the advantages attributed to contracting out often are not realized. The practice in many cases can save money. But successes are likely to be achieved only with projects meeting certain narrow specifications.  相似文献   

18.
Abstract . Reflexive predictions are self-defeating or self-fulfilling. However, it was shown that in most cases of self defeating public predictions of social events conceptually at least one correct prediction exists. Unfortunately the term “reflexive prediction” is applied in the literature to quite distinct phenomena. A. Grünbaum, moreover, argued that reflexive prediction occurs also in the natural sciences using as example the fire-control system which “obeys only natural laws.” The purpose of this paper is two fold: first, it clarifies the terminological confusion. Second, it argues that every man-made tool (fire-control systems are tools) obeys natural laws and so does the person. The question of a person's higher functions, such as expectation and decision is only acknowledged. The conclusions are (1) that there is a fundamental difference between reaction to public (predictive) utterances and reaction to discriminatory behavior based on private ptediciion. (2) The reflexivity of public prediction is a phenomenon characteristic of the social sciences. at least as long as these disciplines are set apart from the natural sciences.  相似文献   

19.
Abstract . Henry George's revision of classical economics was based on a new “hard core” assumption linking efficiency, equity, and social welfare to a revised concept of property rights in land. However, rather than create new core supporting “protective belt” theories, George either accepted or, when necessary, modified existing classical theories especially those which threatened his new hard core, for example, classical “wages-fund” theory. Consequently, George's adaptation of the Ricardian “stationary state” model was less accurate than mainstream classical economics in its predictions concerning the behavior of the distributive shares of income over time, and the effects of technological change on economic growth and economic welfare. Without its own protective belt, George's classicism became a special case of classical economics whose value, nevertheless, existed in its effective criticism of classical property rights theory.  相似文献   

20.
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