共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
Jonathan Pattenden 《Journal of Agrarian Change》2017,17(1):43-66
The literature on India's National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (NREGS) has tended to focus on institutional and technical issues more than on the social relations of production. This paper argues for a class‐relational approach to NREGS and, by extension, to social policy more generally. By locating NREGS in a broader context of antagonistic class relations, it becomes clearer why, where, when and how it either contributes to pro‐labouring‐class change or to reproducing the position of the dominant class. This is particularly important in the South Indian state of Karnataka, where (i) national sample survey data indicates that NREGS has performed relatively badly and (ii) the recent rate of decline of poverty has been amongst the slowest in the country. Based on longitudinal fieldwork in villages in two North Karnataka districts, this paper's class‐relational approach explains significant differences in NREGS outcomes across time and place – primarily with regard to intra‐ and inter‐class relations, which are interlinked with caste and gender relations. In one fieldwork district, high levels of implementation have declined due to increased (but uneven) dominant class control over the scheme. In the other, initial subversion of the scheme has been partially challenged by collective labouring‐class action. 相似文献
2.
分权与激励:土地供应中的中央-地方关系研究 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
研究目的:分析中国土地供应中的中央-地方分权边界以及激励契约,探索提高有效土地供应的措施以增进土地宏观调控成效。研究方法:应用政策分析、案例分析方法,基于分权理论与激励理论,分析土地供应中的中央-地方关系。研究结果:(1)中央政府与地方政府在土地供应中的权力边界不是固定的,不同权力呈现出不同的分权变化路径;(2)土地供应中的中央-地方关系具有“多任务委托代理”的特征,地方政府倾向于选择执行激励强且易考量的供地任务。研究结论:根据各地的社会经济发展水平以及资源禀赋条件等设立合理的土地供应分权边界是实现有效土地供应的基础;而促使地方政府将中央供地计划落到实处的一个关键是建立和完善约束地方政府供地行为的土地供应“激励契约”机制。 相似文献
3.
Navpreet Kaur;Amanpreet Kaur; 《Journal of Agrarian Change》2024,24(4):e12593
In the Gang Canal region of Rajasthan, the cropping pattern changed from a labour intensive crop, cotton, to a mechanized crop, cluster beans. The shift in cropping pattern not only displaced workers from farm wage work but also brought changes in labour hiring contracts with large scale conversion of daily wage rate contracts to piece-rate contracts. Drawing on a primary survey in a village from Gang Canal region, the paper examines the change in the agrarian relations in rural Rajasthan by analysing the emerging development in the rural labour relations. For piece-rate work in farm wage work in some parts of Rajasthan, the wage rate is unilaterally decided by the landlords and large capitalist farmers and is denoted as the ‘village rate’. The manual workers have negligible bargaining power vis-à-vis the village rate. The conversion of daily wage rate contracts to piece-rate contracts has enhanced the duration of working day that involves a rise in the rate of surplus value. Access and availability of low wage labour facilitates the accumulation of capital. With the limited availability of employment in the non-farm sector (in both public and private sectors), workers are compelled to sell their labour power at wages that do not exceed the level of subsistence. The paper concludes with a brief examination of continuum of coercion and varied degree of unfreedom among worker in the village. 相似文献
4.
Matilde Adduci 《Journal of Agrarian Change》2020,20(4):519-537
In the early 1990s Chilika Lake saw a conflict over aquaculture practices that culminated in a process of de facto privatization of the lake waters and the implementation of illegal shrimp cultivation. An earlier article explored the class dynamics of the conflict and the present paper, based on a 2015 fieldwork revisit, reviews the unfolding of the socioeconomic dynamics underlying the illegal aquaculture activities. Looking at recent developments in the implementation of illegal shrimp cultivation in the lake, it interrogates the underlying balance between coercion and consent, and the implications for the livelihoods and protest politics of the fishing people. The paper draws attention to the reality of occupational displacement, analysing its implications for the viability of the fisher people's oppositional movement. Through doing so, it draws renewed attention to the complexity of state–society relations underlying the dynamics that govern conflict and critically contributes to recent debates on subaltern politics. 相似文献
5.
自然资源在当地民众的生计中具有决定性的作用,他们理应参与当地自然资源的管理和决策。分权改变了当地自然资源管理的制度框架,而民主分权是分权的最有效形式。概述了全球自然资源分权改革的实施情况,并对改革效果进行了评价。认为建立民主的地方机构将成为民主分权的主要机制,而责任、自行决定权和安全性是民主分权的3个基本问题,分权过程中中央政府需要有效的分权配套办法,并发挥重要作用。 相似文献
6.
Anita Dixit 《Journal of Agrarian Change》2013,13(2):263-281
This paper analyses poverty and calorific undernourishment in the Indian state of Gujarat, where high and market‐led industrial growth has resulted in rapid economic improvement. The study is carried out through a combination of secondary and survey‐based data. We conclude that the neoliberal agenda of uncontrolled, outward‐looking growth has not resulted in significant reduction of poverty or malnourishment in rural areas. Furthermore, while land ownership is officially used as a proxy for wealth distribution, class position appears a better predictor of poverty status in the rural areas than landownership per se. At the policy level, there is a need to revive the agrarian economy and create new non‐agricultural assets, and the primary focus in the state must shift to the distribution of created assets rather than a single‐minded focus on growth. 相似文献
7.
PAULINE E. PETERS 《Journal of Agrarian Change》2004,4(3):269-314
The paper proposes that reports of pervasive competition and conflict over land in sub-Saharan Africa belie a current image of negotiable and adaptive customary systems of landholding and land use but, instead, reveal processes of exclusion, deepening social divisions and class formation. Cases of ambiguous and indeterminate outcomes among claimants over land do occur, but the instances of intensifying conflict over land, deepening social rifts and expropriation of land beg for closer attention. More emphasis needs to be placed by analysts on who benefits and who loses from instances of 'negotiability' in access to land, an analysis that, in turn, needs to be situated in broader political economic and social changes taking place, particularly during the past thirty or so years. This requires a theoretical move away from privileging contingency, flexibility and negotiability that, willy-nilly, ends by suggesting an open field, to one that is able to identify those situations and processes (including com-modification, structural adjustment, market liberalization and globalization) that limit or end negotiation and flexibility for certain social groups or categories. 相似文献
8.
选取2002—2015年我国30个省际面板数据,应用系统GMM估计方法,实证检验了环境分权的水环境治理效应。研究结果显示,环境分权与工业废水和生活污水排放、工业废水氨氮排放量及工业废水化学需氧量三类水污染指标呈现显著且稳定的正向关系,这意味着赋予地方政府过高的环境管理自主权将不利于改善水环境治理效果;财政分权对水环境治理效果产生负向效应,随着财政分权程度的提升,环境分权对水环境治理效果的不利影响得以强化。分组检验结果表明,中央政策干预和环境管理体制改革促使财政分权对水环境治理效果的负面作用逐渐趋于不明显,且有效削弱了财政分权对环境分权与水环境治理效果两者关系的调节效应;在东部沿海地区,环境分权可一定程度上降低水污染排放,其治理效应总体上优于中西部内陆地区,而财政分权对水环境治理效果的负向作用及其调节效应在中西部内陆地区更显著。 相似文献
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10.
TERENCE J. BYRES 《Journal of Agrarian Change》2010,10(2):273-287
This important book is structured around two issues. The first concerns the political role and extent of East India patronage in Scotland between 1720 and 1784. The second relates to the ‘fortunes’ amassed by those in receipt of such patronage, the amounts remitted to Scotland, and the use to which these remitted surpluses were put. With respect to the former, a substantive, original contribution is made in four respects: in demonstrating the significance of colonial posts in overall patronage in Scotland; in showing the heavily disproportionate favouring of Scots in this patronage; in revealing that this was substantial and growing from the 1720s (and did not start only in the 1780s or 1770s, as has been previously assumed); and in arguing convincingly that this East India patronage was important in securing the post‐1707 British state. This is a considerable achievement. While the first issue has an impressively substantive outcome, the second, no less important, set of questions, is argued presumptively: to the effect that large fortunes were made by Scots in India, significant amounts were remitted, and these were crucial in the dramatic economic advance in Scotland from the 1750s on, especially in the countryside. A plausible presumptive case is made, but this is not supported by convincing evidence. There is a need for research of the intensity that gave such impressive shape to the first set of issues, if the presumptive case is to be adequately substantiated. A brief agenda for the necessary research on agrarian change is suggested. 相似文献
11.
对JesseC.Ribot“自然资源的民主分权:民众参与的制度化”一文进行了评论,认为分权管理是从制度层面保障民众真正参与自然资源管理的重要措施。结合我国分权管理的实践与探索,讨论了保障落实分权管理和构建分权配套办法的有关问题。 相似文献
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13.
黑龙江省私营企业劳动关系问题研究 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
当前在相当多的私营企业中,劳动关系存在着不和谐的现象:劳动合同签订率较低,超时加班较为普遍,工会建设不足以及三方协商制度在现实中不可行。分析了黑龙江省私营企业劳动关系存在问题的原因,认为需要从发展生产力、构建适合私营企业发展的外部环境、工会组织要发挥维护作用和政府逐步推进三方协商机制和构建合作共赢的文化氛围来协调黑龙江省私营企业劳动关系。 相似文献
14.
总结了约20个发展中国家林业部门分权管理的研究结果,并通过对在森林治理中起到主要作用的机构和参与者的分析,探讨了成功和失败的范例和主要的因素。研究表明,执行民主分权的案例并不多见,表现在:真正的决策权力、森林资源及其效益仍然是集权管理、选择处理的当地参与者往往不具有代表性或不负责任。现行政策有时伤害了当地的穷人。强调了全国性的对话和对公民社会特别是边缘群体的授权的重要性。研究结果证明,林业分权管理应当始于与当地民众一起工作,建立和完善他们已有的机制;具有代表性和负责任的地方政府将成为这一过程最适合的对话者。 相似文献
15.
简要回顾了联合国粮农组织的分权管理经验。在粮农组织的技术支持下,布基纳法索和马里正在施行分权管理法律,因此这两个国家提供了范例。分析了政府的森林资源管理权下放所必备的专业知识、介入时机和介入策略。依据各种必备的条件和因素提出了相关对结论和建议。正是需要这些条件和因素才能确保森林资源分权管理更具可持续性,民众参与程度更高,政府责任心更强,且森林资源利益分配过程更为公平。文中还提供了如下信息:国际技术援助程序、如何帮助受援国将相关法律和法规转变为具体而新颖的制度安排,以及该领域中未来的工作要点等。 相似文献
16.
5G技术给政府公共关系领域带来广泛而深刻的影响。文章介绍了5G技术的含义及特点;并运用“政府公共关系三要素”理论,重点分析了5G技术在政府层面、公众层面和传播层面给政府公共关系领域带来的变化和影响;最后,针对5G技术所引起的政府公共关系变化,提出了五大应对举措。 相似文献
17.
论述了有效的分权管理的中心条件——代表制。代表性是分权管理公式的关键,将代表性分为反应性和问责性是非常有用的。分权管理的结果似乎是代表性的功能和管理动机。为了评价选择的地方机构是否能够形成有效的分权管理,关键的问题是选择的机构是否对他们管理范围内的人民负责。许多国家缺乏可持续的具有代表性的地方政府。不管有或没有代表性的地方政府,也不管是哪个权威掌握对环境的权力,问责性措施都可以培育政府一定程度的向下的责任。选举并不是达到这样的问责制的唯一形式。分权管理改革的安全性和可持续性,大部分取决于中央政府向其它实体转移权力时采用的方式。制度转移是最安全的也是最具可持续性的。分权管理的有效和公正的潜力取决于地方机构的代表性。但是在几种情况下,选择民主负责的地方机构然后赋予其民主权力。 相似文献
18.
Susan Vincent 《Journal of Agrarian Change》2014,14(4):522-540
Peruvian development and government analysts criticize communities for irrationally using local development funds deriving from recently instituted political decentralization to beautify their villages rather than to improve infrastructural services, education and health, or to alleviate poverty. This paper challenges this critique by explaining why such cosmetic improvements are of interest to rural people. Using a case study of the peasant community of Allpachico, I argue that these projects encourage the return of pensioners and visits from migrants. Residents and migrants are mutually dependent as a result of livelihood strategies based on agriculture and the foreign‐controlled resource extraction sector over the past 80 years. The relative position of these two groups in the social reproduction of the vernacular community has changed with the Peruvian political economy. Currently, in the neoliberal resource extraction economy, residents pragmatically opt to maintain relations with those who have stable wage or pension incomes. 相似文献
19.
Mathijs van Leeuwen Assistant Professor Research fellow 《Journal of Agrarian Change》2017,17(1):208-227
Decentralization of land governance is expected to significantly improve land tenure security of small‐scale farmers in Africa, through ensuring better protection of their assets and reducing land‐related conflicts. This paper, however, cautions not to have too high expectations of transferring responsibilities for land administration and dispute resolution to local government bodies. Field research in Mbarara District in south‐western Uganda brings out how decentralization has limited impacts in terms of localizing land services provision. Nonetheless, local land governance has transformed in important ways, as decentralization adds to institutional multiplicity, and fuels competition among state and non‐state authorities, and about the rules they apply. Rather than strengthening local mechanisms for securing tenure, the reforms introduce new forms of tenure insecurity, fail to transform local conventions of dealing with land disputes and delegitimize local mechanisms for securing tenure. In practice, decentralization has had limited effects in securing tenure for the rural poor, yet reinforces the presence of the state at the local level in diverse ways. 相似文献
20.
80%以上的发展中国家和经济转轨国家正在进行着某种形式的分权试验。以11个国家(拥有全球森林总量60%以上)为例,简要描述了实施联邦制的主要林业国家当前的森林行政管理类型以及施政形式,认为分权后强化了跨部门联系的重要性,许多政府机构都介入了有关森林资源的各项决策;有效的森林治理取决于各种管理机构的能力;私营部门和民间组织在成功治理各种森林资源中也发挥着重要作用。从11国经验中分析了各种潜在优势、潜在危险,指出分权管理减少了中央政府的官僚和决策障碍,但会使全国性的政策协调、实施和监督变得困难。 相似文献