‘There are Really Two Cities Here’: Fragmented Urban Citizenship In Tel Aviv

The inflow of African migrants into Tel Aviv's southern neighborhoods has aroused much resentment from long‐term residents. Contesting the uneven burden sharing, which exacerbates already poor conditions at the local level, southern residents have aimed their grievances at municipal and national policymakers as well as the city's more affluent northern residents. In analyzing the contestation, this article challenges traditional conceptions of migrants as the binary opposition to residents of the host city, intruders on the shared and socio‐culturally homogenous urban arena. We build on recent theorizations of urban citizenship as an agency‐centered process to think through the ways in which city residents articulate their identities relationally and hierarchically against new and old ‘others’ and argue that international newcomers have destabilized long‐conceived social relations. Using narratives of long‐term southern residents, we illustrate how the uneven geographies of African migrants' settlement in Tel Aviv have (re)set in motion a process of urban citizenship formation by southern residents, thereby adding new layers of contention to what was already a highly stratified realm.     

Jews,Arabs, Russians and Foreigners in an Israeli City: Ethnic Divisions and the Restructuring Economy of Tel Aviv, 1983–96

This article examines the role of urban economic restructuring in the emerging new ethnic division of labor in Tel Aviv, in the context of large waves of migration to and from the city. The occupational structures of four groups – veteran Jews, Israeli Arab citizens, new immigrants from the former USSR who are Israeli citizens, and non‐citizen foreign workers – are analyzed. Study of the evolution of polarized occupation and income levels in the city of Tel Aviv relative to the rest of Israel shows that both aspects of polarization widened in the city of Tel Aviv as the restructuring process advanced. The findings are discussed in view of the theoretical debates regarding polarization, professionalization and the emergence of a new urban ‘underclass’. The data are based on Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS) censuses and labor force surveys. Cet article examine le rôle de la restructuration économique urbaine dans la nouvelle division ethnique du travail à Tel Aviv dans le contexte des grandes vagues de migration vers la cité et loin de la cité. Les structures professionnelles de quatre groupes – les vétérans juifs, les citoyens israéliens arabes, les nouveaux immigrants de l'ancienne URSS qui sont des citoyens israéliens, et les travailleurs étrangers qui ne sont pas des citoyens – sont analysées. Une étude de l'évolution de l'occupation et du niveau des revenus polarisés dans la ville de Tel Aviv par rapport au reste d'Israël montre que les deux aspects de la polarisation se sont agrandis dans la cité de Tel Aviv durant la progression du processus de restructuration. Les résultats sont discutés par rapport aux débats théoriques sur la polarisation, la professionnalisation et l'émergence d'une nouvelle ‘sous‐classe’ urbaine. Les données sont basées sur les recensements du Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS) et sur des enquà tes sur les travailleurs.     

Whose Right to Jerusalem?

Jerusalem is a city mired in spatial conflict. Its contested spaces represent deep conflicts among groups that vary by national identity, religion, religiosity and gender. The omnipresent nature of these conflicts provides an opportunity to look at Henri Lefebvre's concept of the right to the city (RTC). The RTC has been adopted and celebrated as a political tool for positive change, enabling communities to take control of space. Based on extensive fieldwork and in‐depth interviews, this article explores the complexity of the RTC principles and examines three urban battlefields in Jerusalem — Bar‐Ilan Street, the Kotel and the Orient House. The RTC is a powerful idea, providing the opportunity to examine people's everyday activities within the context of how space can be used to support their lives. Yet Jerusalem's myriad divisions produce claims by different groups to different parts of the city. In Jerusalem, the RTC is not a clear vision but a kaleidoscope of rights that produces a fragmented landscape within a religious and ethno‐national context governed by the nation state — Israel. The growth of cultural and ethnic diversity in urban areas may limit the possibility for a unified RTC to emerge in an urban sea of demands framed by difference. Space‐based cultural conflict exemplifies urban divisions and exacerbates claims to ‘my Jerusalem’, not ‘our Jerusalem’. Identity‐based claims to the RTC appear to work against, not for, a universalistic RTC.     

Ruinopolis: Post‐Imperial Theory and Learning from Las Vegas

This essay foregrounds a dimension of Las Vegas that other authors only touch on in passing: its connections to empire. The authors propose a post‐imperial analysis of the city based on a reconstruction of its history and a reading of the traces of this history in the city's architecture and its self‐presentation in American popular culture. This analysis of Las Vegas as ruinopolis draws attention to the ruin sites of the city and its hinterland, reading them through the lens of empire. We work out the imperial territoriality of Las Vegas, including the derelict space of the Las Vegas Paiute Indian Colony, the ‘Pentagon Desert’ around the city with its so‐called ‘national sacrifice zone’, and the Strip, with Caesars Palace. We conclude with a post‐imperial reading of Venturi, Scott Brown and Izenour's canonical Learning from Las Vegas and of the ruin signs of the Neon Boneyard.     

Breaking With Neoliberalization by Restricting The Housing Market: Novel Urban Policies and the Case of Hamburg

Hamburg currently exemplifies the departure from a straightforward neoliberal urban track. The city's neoliberal path only moved into full swing in the first decade of the 2000s. During this period, urban development was primarily subject to property market mechanisms—with projects being granted to the highest bidder—prompting effects such as rapidly rising rents, deepened social segregation and increased property‐led displacement. Since 2009, however, the city's entrepreneurial urban policy encountered comprehensive resistance movements that eventually led to the rediscovery of a political will for a new housing policy and interventionist policy instruments. This article focuses on the turning point of neoliberal policies and examines the wider scope of the contemporary urban agenda in Hamburg. We first conceptualize potential limits of the neoliberal city in general and then discuss three momentous local policy experiments—the International Building Exhibition, promising ‘improvement without displacement'; the rediscovery of housing regulations through the ‘Social Preservation Statute'; and the ‘Alliance for Housing', aiming to tackle the housing shortage. We discuss these approaches as funding, regulation, and actor‐based approaches to limiting the neoliberal city.     

The question of rent: the emerging urban housing crisis in the new century

The emergence of a new housing crisis in the United States for low‐income renter households at the outset of the twenty‐first century can be traced to an increasing lack of affordability, where the average cost of housing as a portion of income has risen steadily over the last half‐century. In turn, this rise in housing costs can be attributed to a growing and dramatic shortage of low‐cost rental housing. Ultimately, the evocation of homeownership as the embodiment of the ‘American Dream’ has made renting the ‘stepchild’ of housing options, and this has had hidden, but nonetheless deleterious effects upon US cities, which remain major concentrations of rental housing and financially‐strapped tenants. Aux Etats‐Unis, on peut imputer la nouvelle crise du logement du début du vingt‐et‐unième siècle touchant les ménages locataires à faibles revenus à une impossibilité croissante d'accessibilité financière, la part du coût moyen d'un logement dans le revenu ayant progressé constamment au cours du demi‐siècle précédent. Par ailleurs, cette élévation des coûts du logement peut être attribuée à une pénurie accrue et dramatique de l'habitat à loyer modéré. Enfin, évoquer l'accession à la propriété comme incarnation du ‘Rêve américain’ a fait de la location le ‘parent pauvre’ des possibilités de logement, ce qui a eu des effets latents, quoique néfastes, sur les grandes villes américaines, lesquelles restent des concentrations dominantes de logements locatifs et d'occupants désargentés.     

Towards a ‘Post‐Neoliberal’ Mode of Housing Regulation? The Israeli Social Protest of Summer 2011

In the summer of 2011, after decades of virtually uncontested neoliberalization, Israel was swept by unprecedented protests against the rising cost of living, social inequality and, most particularly, escalating housing prices. Within two weeks, a small protest camp established on Rothschild Boulevard in Tel Aviv had grown into a mass movement involving hundreds of thousands of people across the country. Given an ambivalent sense of the significance of urban movements in bringing about social change, the aim of this article is to analyze whether the Israeli social protest was able to push forward a post‐neoliberal mode of housing regulation. Building on a framework developed by Brenner, Peck and Theodore to grasp transformations in the landscape of regulatory restructuring, this article argues that the movement has indeed achieved a far‐reaching hegemonic shift in public discourse and also become an important driver in promoting regulatory experiments. Despite its achievements, however, the movement was unable to challenge the Israeli ‘rule regime' of neoliberalization, on account of two structural constraints that were shielded by the most powerful state apparatuses: the commodity character of housing; and a neoliberalized land regime, where state‐owned land is treated as a profit machine for public finance.     

Metropolitan Strategies and Climate Governance: Towards New Evaluative Approaches

In the new millennium, cities have become an emerging force among new forms of subnational climate governance. Of interest is how cities act unilaterally and directly in this new climate politics via the provision of relevant tools. Since metropolitan planning strategies have been considered as important mechanisms for achieving urban sustainability in this period, this research has sought to investigate the importance of these master plans in the delivery of urban responses to climate change. For this purpose, the study has employed a qualitative research methodology with the application of a comparative case study and the progression of a conceptual framework for evaluating climate policies in metropolitan plans of two selected cities—London and Melbourne. The study's results suggest that both the ‘London Plan’ and ‘Plan Melbourne’ incorporate critical elements to enhance climate governance, including the promotion of coordination principles, innovative technologies, a participatory planning approach and a long‐term planning scale. However, the review identified a consistent omission of key principles as identified through the proposed matrix for analysing the climate policies of a city's government, which include risk assessment tools, monitoring systems, distribution, impact frame and accountability. Moreover, the research also revealed the lack of vertical integration in policy formulation and implementation of ‘Plan Melbourne’. Our study suggests that a city's governance structure influences the way it undertakes its climate actions and the potential efficacy of these on a metropolitan scale.     

How Globalization Really Happens: Remembering Activism in the Transformation of Istanbul

Over the past 20 years it has become accepted wisdom that Istanbul has become a ‘global city', transformed in tandem with a raft of neoliberal economic policies. What is the relevant history of this globalization? A muted local knowledge possessed by Istanbul's inhabitants is that the military coup in 1980 was the crucial event in the re‐engineering of the city. Yet exactly here a contradiction emerges: despite this acknowledgement, there is apparently little public memory about what it was like to study, work and agitate in Istanbul in the ‘crisis' years before the coup. Based on extensive interviews with people active in political fractions in the late 1970s, this article privileges a phenomenological approach to identify spatial practices, performances and perceptions of activists that generated and structured Istanbul's expanding urban environment in that period. Further, it shows how this history is relevant for comprehending both the ‘micro‐causes' of the coup as well as important dimensions of Turkish politics in the present, each of which cast illuminating light on Istanbul's experience of globalization.     

The politics of ethnic integration in Singapore: Malay ‘regrouping’ as an ideological construct

Research on ethnic residential patterns is overwhelmingly empiricist in focus. The discursive context surrounding the socio‐spatial phenomenon needs to be acknowledged since it can have concrete impacts on the practice of urban social planning as well as the spatial behaviour of individuals and groups. Using Henri Lefebvre's insights into the production of social space, this article looks at how a dominant representation of space is constructed, with its implications for ‘lived’ spaces and the spatial practices which circumscribe them. The case of Singapore is examined, where the government has appropriated the discourse surrounding ‘ethnic regrouping’ in an attempt to legitimize the unpopular policy of ethnic quotas in public housing. Alleging that ‘ethnic regrouping’ had been taking place during the 1980s, this was portrayed as undesirable and contrary to the ideal of integration. The imposition of ethnic quotas was thus justified as necessary and appropriate. Systematic analysis using the index of dissimilarity, however, problematizes this representation of space. The rhetoric surrounding ethnic regrouping is revealed to be a means of social discipline whereby the government imposes a particular representation of space and seeks to manipulate the social landscape via technocratic means. Les recherches sur les modèles résidentiels ethniques débordent d'empirisme. Or, le contexte discursif du phénomène socio‐spatial doit être reconnu puisque celui‐ci peut avoir des incidences tangibles sur l'exercice de l'urbanisme social, ainsi que sur le comportement des individus et groupes dans l'espace. A partir des idées d'Henri Lefebvre sur la production de l'espace social, l'article analyse comment s'élabore une représentation dominante de l'espace, avec ses implications sur les espaces ‘vécus'et les pratiques spatiales qui les délimitent. Dans le cas de Singapour, le gouvernement s'est approprié le discours autour du ‘regroupement ethnique’ dans le but de légitimer la politique impopulaire des quotas ethniques dans les logements publics. Sous le prétexte que le ‘regroupement ethnique’ s'était déroulé dans les années 1980, il a été présenté comme indésirable et contraire à l'idéal d'intégration. Les quotas ethniques ont donc été justifiés comme nécessaires et pertinents. Cependant, une analyse systématique utilisant l'indice de dissemblance remet en cause cette représentation de l'espace. La rhétorique entourant le regroupement ethnique apparaît comme un outil de discipline sociale grâce auquel le gouvernement impose une représentation particulière de l'espace, cherchant à manipuler le paysage social par des moyens technocratiques.     

‘Eco’ For Whom? Envisioning Eco‐urbanism in the Sino‐Singapore Tianjin Eco‐city,China

Eco‐cities have attracted international attention from governments, corporations, academics and other actors seeking to use sustainable urban planning to reduce urban environmental impacts. China has devoted significant political will and economic resources to the development of new‐build eco‐city projects, reflecting the Chinese government's goals to build a ‘harmonious society' in which environmental sustainability and social stability are mutually reinforcing. We critically analyse the case of the Sino‐Singapore Tianjin eco‐city to demonstrate that the eco‐city's ecologically modernizing visions of eco‐urbanism construct a protective environment for its residents that constrains broader consideration of social sustainability. Through analysis of the marketing and presentation of specific domestic and other spaces of the eco‐city, we examine the application of ecologically modernizing construction and technology to the design of the city. We argue that the eco‐city is discursively constructed as ecologically beneficial for its inhabitants rather than for the broader socio‐environmental landscape. Our analysis of residential spaces in Tianjin eco‐city introduces the question of what ‘eco’ means when considering the construction of eco‐urban environments for the city's residents.     

‘Generation Rent’ and The Fallacy of Choice

The now widely used term ‘Generation Rent’ reflects the growing phenomenon in the UK of young people living in the private rental sector for longer periods of their lives. Given the importance of leaving home in youth transitions to adulthood, this is a significant change. It is further critical given the rapid expansion of the private rented sector in the UK over recent decades and the more limited rights that private tenants have. This article draws on qualitative evidence to highlight the impact this has on young people's lives, and broader patterns of social‐spatial inequality. Our research highlights that, whilst young people retain long‐term preferences for homeownership, they nonetheless deconstruct this normalized ideal as a ‘fallacy of choice', given its unachievability in reality. Influenced by the work of Foucault, Bourdieu and Bauman, we emphasize how these dominant norms of housing consumption are in tension with objective reality, since young people's ability to become ‘responsible homeowners' is tempered by their material resources and the local housing opportunities available to them. Nonetheless, this does not exempt them from the ‘moral distinctions' being made, wherein renting is problematized and constructed as ‘flawed consumption'. These conceptual arguments advance international scholarly debates about the governance of consumption, offering a novel theoretical lens through which to examine the difficulties facing ‘Generation Rent’.     

Contesting Sustainability: ‘SMART Growth’ and the Redevelopment of Austin's Eastside

The compatibility between an agenda for sustainable urban development and the neoliberal economic restructuring of urban space has been observed within cities in developed countries across the globe. From providing economic support to local ‘green’ industries to creating bike lanes, municipalities develop sustainability strategies that are designed to boost their competitive advantage. Moreover, municipalities are responding to demands from popular social movements and national governments that seek to reconfigure societal relationships with the natural environment in cities. Cities are increasingly understood not as part of the ecological crisis but as part of the solution, or as places where alternative patterns of sustainable consumption and new socially and ecologically responsible industries can be developed. Over the last decade in Austin, environmental sustainability has become an uncontested paradigm that has progressively shaped the city's urban space and policy. Two competing conceptualizations of the environment, so‐called ‘environmental’ and ‘just’ sustainability groups, are explored in this article. I demonstrate how the notion of environmental sustainability has been selectively incorporated into the hegemonic vision of Austin's strategic growth plan. I argue that the dominance of this conceptualization is best understood by asking what counts as the ‘environment’ for environmentalists, and understanding the unstated assumptions about the environment shared by the business community and environmentalists.     

The limits of branding: the World Trade Center,fiscal crisis and the marketing of recovery

This article investigates the branding of New York's World Trade Center, and the city itself, as both financial center and entertainment destination between the 1960s and 1990s. After addressing the symbolic as well as material damage caused by the terrorist attacks of September 11th, the article traces the history behind the towers' design and ultimate use in marketing. It first examines the early motivations behind the project, and the forces leading to its controversial construction in the 1960s–70s. Then, in the wake of the city's 1975 fiscal crisis, the Twin Towers and Downtown skyline were branded through campaigns like ‘I ? NY’ to represent a resurgent, global New York. With the recession of 1989–92, and the scaling back of public‐sector marketing, this new brand was used by a host of private‐sector media and marketing firms then establishing global headquarters in New York. In the current period, the site of the towers, and the city as a whole, are being ‘re‐branded’ as a patriotic destination. Building on content analysis and archival research, the article critically analyzes how such marketing became central to New York City's overall economic development strategy. Cet article étudie la stratégie de marque qui a étiqueté le World Trade Center de New York et la ville elle‐mäme, en tant que centre financier et destination de loisirs des années 1960 à 1990. Après avoir traité les préjudices symboliques et matériels liés aux attaques terroristes du 11 septembre, l'article retrace l'histoire de la conception des tours et leur exträme utilisation en marketing. Il examine d'abord les premières motivations du projet et les forces qui ont conduità sa construction controversée dans les années 1960–70. Suite à la crise fiscale de la ville en 1975, les Tours jumelles et la silhouette des immeubles du centre ont ensuite été choisies dans le cadre de campagnes comme ‘I ? NY’ (J'aime New York) afin de représenter un New York ressuscité et mondialisé. Après la récession de 1989–92, et la réduction du marketing public, cette nouvelle ‘étiquette’ a servi à une foule d'entreprises privées de médias et marketing qui ont alors installé leur siège international à New York. Actuellement, le site des tours, et la ville dans son ensemble, sont en train d'ätre ‘ré‐étiquetés’ comme destination patriotique. A partir d'une analyse de contenu et de recherches d'archives, l'article scrute la façon dont ce marketing est devenu essentiel à la stratégie de développement économique globale de la ville de New York.     

Urban Distinctions: Class,Culture and Sociability in the City of Porto

This essay employs Pierre Bourdieu's theory of practice and the methodology of Multiple Correspondence Analysis (MCA) to extend the mapping of the dynamic relations between class and culture presented in Bourdieu's Distinction to encompass urban space, drawing on data from a multi‐method research project on the city of Porto, Portugal. We present a detailed analysis of the formation and structure of local social space and show its relevance for the study of the (re)production of urban lifestyles. Differences in the volume and composition of the capital of city residents are identified and shown to underpin the relations between social positions, dispositions and position takings in various realms of cultural consumption. Meaningful configurations of ‘lifestyle modalities’ have clear roots in the city's social space, which in Portugal, as in France, can be interpreted in terms of distinction, pretension and necessity.     

‘Wilding' in the West Village: Queer Space,Racism and Jane Jacobs Hagiography

In urban studies, New York's West Village is famous for two principal reasons: as the paradigmatic ideal neighborhood in Jane Jacobs' influential The Death and Life of Great American Cities and as the site of one of the 1960s' great urban uprisings, the Stonewall riot in 1969. Today––largely because of the mixed‐use urban qualities celebrated by Jacobs––the West Village is one of New York's most desirable residential areas, yet it also remains an essential part of the city's queer geography. In this article, I analyze the persistent demonization of the area's queer youth of color by local neighborhood groups to argue that Jacobs' celebrated notion of natural surveillance (or what she called ‘eyes on the street') is fundamentally unsuited for a fluid queer space like the contemporary West Village. First, I historicize the current neighborhood tensions in the context of racialized media reporting of homophobic hate crime. Second, the discourses deployed in contemporary media of ‘wild' youth terrorizing the Village are examined. Finally, with reference to the forced closure of the African American bar Chi Chiz, I illustrate how the symbolic nightlife economy remains a key target in the city's regulation of queer space.     

The Engineer and The Plumber: Mediating Mumbai's Conflicting Infrastructural Imaginaries

Two decades ago, the rules governing the provision of piped municipal water supply in Mumbai became linked to the policy frameworks governing eligibility for a property titling scheme. This article outlines the ideological basis and practical implications of the shift, as well as the contradictions of the new regulatory regime. The article demonstrates how these contradictions have been mediated by the material and practical knowledge, embodied expertise, local authority and wide‐ranging socio‐political work of two sets of actors: municipal water engineers and a cast of characters known locally as ‘plumbers’. The social, political and hydraulic imaginaries animating the work of ‘plumbing’ are bound up with a temporal and spatial imaginary distinctly at odds with the network‐flow conception of hydraulic engineering within which the work of water supply planning and distribution in Mumbai is conceptualized, materialized and institutionalized. The hydraulic and legal contradictions of these clashing infrastructural idioms––of flow and event––have rendered the regulatory framework highly unstable. These contradictions eventually erupted in Mumbai's waterscape, leaving the city's water infrastructures suspended in a highly politicized state of limbo between dueling infrastructural imaginaries.     

Social Control,Urban Planning and Ethno‐class Relations: Mizrahi Jews in Israel's ‘Development Towns’

Urban planning is usually portrayed as a benign and progressive societal force. This interpretation is critically examined through an evaluation of Israel's development town project. According to the ‘best’ planning concepts available during the 1950s, Israel built 28 new towns, mainly on the country's peripheral ‘frontiers’. New immigrants, chiefly low‐income Mizrahi Jews, were housed in the towns, which provided a cornerstone of Israel's national project of ‘Judaising’ the country. The evidence shows that the planning of the towns has had many regressive consequences: it reinforced and reproduced patterns of deprivation and inequality through the creation of segregated and low‐status Mizrahi ethnic spaces. In the longer term, this spawned continuing grievances and protest, fluctuating political orientation and the emergence of a low‐status Mizrahi ethno‐class. The case in hand casts doubt over the notion of planning solely as a progressive force, and highlights its potential to act as an instrument of control and domination in the hands of societal elites. In Israel, promotion of the ‘national imperative’ of settling the frontiers, the advent of ‘modern urban planning’, and later ‘corrective’ policies to close the centre‐periphery gap, all worked to obscure the regressive stratifying processes caused by the development town project. La planification urbaine est généralement vue comme une force sociale bégnine et progressive. Cette interprétation est examinée de facon critique avec une évaluation du projet de développement de la ville en Israël. Suivant les ‘meilleurs’ concepts de planification des années cinquante, Israël a construit 28 villes nouvelles, principalement sur les ‘frontières’ périphériques du pays. Les nouveaux immigrants, avant tout des juifs Mizrahi qui avaient des revenus bas, furent logés dans les villes, qui étaient au centre du projet national israélien de rendre le pays plus judaïque. L'évidence montre que la planification des villes a eu de nombreuses conséquences régressives: elle a renforcé et reproduit les modèles de privation et d'inégalité par la création d'espaces ethniques Mizrahi de bas standing et isolés. À long terme, cela a donné lieu à des protestations et des doléances continuelles, à une orientation politique changeante et à la naissance d'une ethno‐classe Mizrahi de statut peu élevé. Ce cas d'étude met en doute le fait que la notion de planification soit uniquement une force progressive, et illumine le fait qu'elle peut servir d'instrument de contröle et de domination pour les élites sociales. En Israël, la promotion de ‘l'impératif national’ de stabilisation des frontières, l'arrivée de la ‘planification moderne urbaine’ et la récente politique ‘corrective’ pour réduire la distance entre le centre et la périphérie, ont toutes contribuéà obscurcir les processus régressifs de stratification dus au projet de développement des villes.     

The Financialization of Housing Production in Brussels

This article focuses on the financialization of housing production in the Brussels‐Capital Region, examining the increased presence and use of financial capital in housing production. Information collected by local administrations when granting building permits is used to undertake a large‐scale examination of companies involved in housing provision in Brussels in the 2000s in order to identify the origins of capital invested in housing development projects and to assess to what extent it can be considered as ‘financialized’. The use of this data set allows me to estimate the ‘market share’ of financial capital in housing production and to analyse the geography of these investments in the built environment. This spatial analysis also provides some insights for a discussion about the possible social consequences of this influx of financial capital into the urban space. The task of empirically ‘measuring’ financialization raises numerous methodological questions. A choice has to be made between a wide range of definitions, both for financial activities and the financialization process. Moreover, for the purpose of quantifying the phenomenon, these concepts are made operational and turned into indicators. In addition to providing information about the investment of financial capital in housing production and the concrete forms it may take in a city such as Brussels, I venture to suggest that this article also contributes to the methodological ‘toolbox’ available to researchers in the field of financialization.     

Between Neoliberal Governance and the Right to the City: Participatory politics in Berlin and Tel Aviv

Based on a comparison of Berlin and Tel Aviv, this article investigates the ways in which ensembles of participatory instruments mediate between neoliberal urban regimes and political agency shaping differentially the meaning of participation and the types of claims that can be advanced. The article gives an overview of the recent history of both cities through the lens of participatory politics. Two in‐depth case studies further examine the relationship between participatory politics and claim making in each setting: the recent conflict over a social center in the district of Friedrichshain‐Kreuzberg in Berlin and the Levinsky tent city of 2011 in Tel Aviv. In the concluding section, the article suggests that, rather than assuming that participatory tools either co‐opt movements or can be appropriated by them, we need to rethink the relationship between participatory tools, rights and recognition, and ask how participatory structures and political agency constitute each other in interwoven dynamics.