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Instead of indicating the outlines of a specific New World Economic Order (NWEO), the paper deals with the major problems and limitations which are connected with the search for such an Order. The continuing existence of serious economic problems and the rapidity of change make such a search important. It has to find a way between realism and Utopia, it has to adjust to the needs and ideas of a heterogeneous world and it has to pay attention to the role of non-economic factors like power, institutions, ideologies and so on. The paper ends with some speculations about future trends.  相似文献   

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Timothy Hinks 《Applied economics》2013,45(16):2043-2052
Research into discrimination within South Africa (SA) has focused on racial issues, with gender issues being largely ignored. This study aims to estimate gender wage differentials and through decomposition analysis understand the different problems faced by white, black, coloured and Indian/Asian in 1995. It is found that white and Asian females suffer greater gender discrimination than their black and coloured counterparts, which could be a signal to future problems black and coloured females may encounter. The largest gender wage differential is faced by white females, whilst the lowest is encountered by coloured and black females. A possible explanation for this finding is the low (subsistence) wages that the black and coloured population groups command relative to other population groups.  相似文献   

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Global commodity chains reflect and affect gendered labor markets. This article uses the Decent Work framework from the International Labour Organization to analyze employment outcomes for Indonesian workers in manufacturing. This research investigates trends in feminized manufacturing sectors in variously sized firms. Regression analyses is used to evaluate how firm characteristics related to global production sharing effect decent work outcomes for women and men, as well as female share of employment itself. The results suggest that exports and FDI affect men and women differently and that feminization and decent work outcomes depend on how the sector is positioned along the global value chain.  相似文献   

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这篇评论讨论周雪光的《基层政府间的“共谋现象”》和强世功的《中国宪法中的不成文宪法》。两位教授均感兴趣的问题是中国政治秩序的实际运作方式,但却出于不同的原因。周教授把事情的实况——中央与地方关系的运作方式——多少作为已知的事实,从而试图提供一种解释。而强教授执笔的原因正好是因为他认为中国政治秩序实际如何运作,在宪法学界得到的关注实在太少。周教授重点研究了面对来自高层政权的命令时下层不同级别的政府之间的共谋这个专门的问题。他关注的焦点让我们更加注意可能鲜为人知的中央与地方关系的这一方面。但是他讨论的许多问题也似乎不是共谋问题本身,而是一般的委托-代理的冲突。在分析中国的宪法秩序时,强教授的文章呼吁少一些形式主义,更多一些现实主义。在完全承认文章提倡的方法论的优点的同时,评论认为,强教授自己的方法仍带有一些形式主义的因素。  相似文献   

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社会性别预算作为公共政策分析的一项重要内容,已经为越来越多的国家所重视,社会性别预算的推进已经在世界范围取得了显著成效。社会性别预算实现了向妇女的赋权,使妇女权益保障、妇女人力资本投资等拥有了一个体现透明度要求的指标体系。社会性别预算分析不但有利于衡量政府是否满足了妇女的具体需求,确保妇女在医疗保健、教育和就业等方面的基本权利,而且有助于促进政府治理、建设公平正义和谐发展的人类社会。  相似文献   

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"里根经济学"的兴起,有力地推动了西方金融革命,并使"货币热"席卷全球.与此同时,金融危机也波及整个世界。开展新金融革命,是消除世界金融危机的最佳途径.  相似文献   

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I calculate education Gini coefficients and decompose the overall degree of educational inequality into age, sex, and within‐group components for 171 countries from 1970 to 2010. Doing so enables me to analyze the distributional outcomes of educational expansion. I use South Asia as a case study, as the education distribution in the region is among the most unequal in the world. Generally, educational inequality is decreasing over the observed sample period around the globe. Yet, as improvements are initiated by enhancing the educational opportunities of the young, the gap between cohorts widens in transition phases but vanishes thereafter. Gaps between the sexes are reduced substantially, but widen if either males or females are the first to enter higher education levels. Also, gaps within population subgroups follow a similar trajectory. Instead of a Kuznets‐curve relation, I thus find evidence for educational inequality to evolve in waves as education expands.  相似文献   

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2010年对全球经济复苏是极其关键的一年,也是真正考验各国政府大智慧的挑战年。影响全球金融系统性复苏的三大主线是宽松政策的调整、国家财政危机演化和美元走势。由于各国复苏步调不一致,结构不平衡,决定宽松货币政策的退出不会同步。随着全球货币决策进入敏感期和调整期,美元进入阶段性升值周期,一些“潜在风险”正有向“显性风险”演变的趋势,资产价格泡沫被刺破等新的风险正在积聚,全球金融市场可能会出现新一轮调整。受此影响,全球本已脆弱的经济仍面临着“双底衰退”的风险。  相似文献   

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墨哲兰 《开放时代》2003,(5):108-114
今天的政治,无论号称真理正义是“世界上最明亮的一盏自由之灯”,还是宣扬“德性治国取信于民”,没有显说之下无隐言的。浅薄的人只按浅薄的心度量而一言以蔽之日“政治就是谎言”;深奥的人明察事理,知其不可为而为之,称其为“高贵的谎言”;机智的人走捷径当然只有在两者中取实用权变的态度了。  相似文献   

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Alan Ingram 《Geopolitics》2013,18(3):522-545
This article describes the emergence of a new geopolitics of disease following the end of the Cold War and offers a framework for thinking about it. Three main questions are asked. First, why is disease now a geopolitical issue? Second, how has this new geopolitics emerged? And third, what are the implications of the emergence of disease as a geopolitical issue for the meaning and practice of global health? It is argued that disease is now seen as a geopolitical issue in terms of four main dimensions: destabilisation, sovereignty, the instrumentalisation of health, and geopolitical economy. Second, this new geopolitics has emerged in the context of larger debates about globalisation, development and security, and has emanated primarily from Northern institutions. Third, drawing on critical approaches to security, it is suggested that while the securitisation of health offers certain benefits, it also carries risks. The article identifies a number of critical tensions in the new geopolitics of disease as a way of negotiating these risks and anchoring the concept of global health security in a larger vision of health in an era of globalisation.  相似文献   

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The existing international economic order has been heavily shaped by US power and the US has been a key driver of globalisation and neoliberal economic restructuring, prompting speculation about whether the rise of new developing country powers could rupture the current trajectory of neoliberal globalisation. This paper analyses the case of Brazil at the World Trade Organization (WTO), a core institution in global economic governance. In the last decade, Brazil successfully waged two landmark trade disputes against the US and EU and created a coalition of developing countries – the G20 – which brought an end to the dominance of the US and EU at the WTO and made their trade policies a central target of the Doha Round. Brazil's activism has been widely hailed as a major victory for developing countries. However, I argue that rather than challenging the neoliberal agenda of the WTO, Brazil has emerged as one of the most vocal advocates of free market globalisation and the push to expand and liberalise global markets. I show that Brazil's stance has been driven by the rise of its export-oriented agribusiness sector. This case demonstrates that business actors from the Global South are becoming significant new protagonists in global economic governance; they are taking the tools created by the states and corporations of the Global North – in this case, the WTO and its neoliberal discourse – and turning them against their originators. At the same time, their interests are being wrapped in and advanced through a discourse of development and social justice and a strategic mobilisation of the politics of the North-South divide.  相似文献   

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全球价值链的思想和方法广泛地渗透到多个经济研究领域,成为宏观经济、产业经济和国际贸易的热点。全球价值链的测度理论大致可以分为两条线索:基于全球投入产出模型的宏观测度、基于企业与海关进出口统计数据的微观测度。首先,本文沿着这两条线索对全球价值链测度理论和方法的演变历程、一些易混淆的概念进行了系统回顾和总结;其次,对全球价值链测度理论和方法的发展趋势进行了展望,如宏观和微观层面测度的融合和一致性是未来的研究趋势;最后,对这些测度指标在其他领域的应用情况和进展进行了分析和展望。  相似文献   

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世界范围内收入不平等现象加剧的根源是新自由主义浪潮。新自由主义倡导劳动力市场所谓的平等、自由,反对工会、集体谈判等。在其影响下,发达国家、发展中国家大都经历了弱化劳动力市场制度、增强劳动力市场灵活性的过程,结果造成收入不平等现象的加剧。  相似文献   

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培养和吸引人工智能人才对于发展人工智能是至关重要的。当前,我国的人工智能人才存在若干问题,如缺少顶尖人才、人才结构不均衡以及研究人员外流情况严重等。为弄清我国人工智能人才发展的现状及不足,为人工智能人才的发展提供对策,本文以人工智能人才为研究对象,梳理全球人工智能人才的总体情况,在分析我国人工智能人才存在的不足和问题的基础上,借鉴国外发展人工智能的成功经验,对我国人工智能人才发展提出了建议。  相似文献   

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