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1.
Corporate social responsibility (CSR) and corporate political activities are complementary, and the coordinated management of corporate social responsibility and corporate political activities may lead to better firm performance. However, corporate social responsibility and corporate political activities should be aligned carefully to utilize this complementarity. Strategic flexibility, which is the ability of a firm to adapt to changes in the external environment and make necessary organizational modifications quickly, can help firms to align their corporate social responsibility and corporate political activities. This paper empirically investigates the political dimension and the interactive dimension which describes interactions between corporate social responsibility and corporate political activities together with strategic flexibility and their effects on firm performance through a study of 142 firms in Turkey using moderated multiple regression methods. The results show that, while the political dimension had an inverted U‐shaped effect on firm performance, indicating that only a moderate level of corporate political activities may improve financial performance, the interactive dimension had positive but limited implications for performance. Finally, it was found strategic flexibility plays a positive moderating role on the relationships between the interactive dimension and firm performance. It is concluded that complementarity between corporate social responsibility and corporate political activities which may result in better performance is contingent on strategic flexibility.  相似文献   

2.
Government policies are integral to the internalization theory of foreign direct investment (FDI). However, the role of government policies in affecting FDI as a strategic choice of firms has not been fully explored. This article therefore expands the analysis of the role of government policy in the internalization theory of FDI. Some government policies reduce market imperfections while others create them. Some of those policies and their effects on market imperfections furthermore make FDI less attractive as a strategic alternative, while other policies and their effects on market imperfections make FDI more attractive. This study also argues that a comprehensive integration of political variables in FDI theory requires several levels of analysis of both political and economic variables.  相似文献   

3.
我国资源型企业跨国经营的政治风险及其规避   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
伴随着我国经济的高速增长,资源约束越来越成为影响我国经济与产业安全的重要问题。解决这一问题必须依赖国际市场,通过资源型企业跨国投资获取海外资源。然而政治风险一直是跨国经营的一个敏感而又复杂的问题,尤其对于经营能源矿产等政治商品和战略物资的资源型跨国公司而言更是如此。本文系统地分析了我国资源型企业跨国经营所面临的政治风险,并从多个角度探讨了企业的规避之道。  相似文献   

4.
This paper examines the conditions under which a state-owned firm with a political agenda strategically crowds out investment by a private firm. Employing reduced-form analysis, we show that strategic crowding out occurs if (i) the private firm regards investments as strategic substitutes, and (ii) private investment is undesirable from the state-owned firm’s perspective. We discuss how our analysis applies to real-world markets and argue that it provides an explanation for the ambivalent evidence on the effect of public on private investment: State ownership is neither necessary nor sufficient for crowding out to occur.  相似文献   

5.
Drawing from the attention-based view, this article extends the study of international entrepreneurship by investigating how the contribution of international ventures’ entrepreneurial strategic posture to their actual learning efforts in foreign markets depends on various flexibilities that underlie their operations. The results from a sample of international Chinese ventures indicate that an entrepreneurial strategic posture enhances international learning effort more to the extent that the ventures possess greater cognitive and political flexibilities. Somewhat paradoxically, greater structural flexibility impedes the translation of an entrepreneurial strategic posture into international learning effort. The findings have important implications for the growing body of research that adopts an international new venture perspective.  相似文献   

6.
The merits of strategic planning as a marketing tool are discussed in this article which takes the view that although marketers claim to be future-oriented, they focus too little attention on long-term planning and forecasting. Strategic planning, as defined by these authors, usually encompasses periods of between five and twenty-five years and places less emphasis on the past as an absolute predictor of the future. It takes a more probabilistic view of the future than conventional marketing strategy and looks at the corporation as but one component interacting with the total environment. Inputs are examined in terms of environmental, social, political, technological and economic importance. Because of its futuristic orientation, an important tenant of strategic planning is the preparation of several alternative scenarios ranging from most to least likely. By planning for a wide-range of future market conditions, a corporation is more able to be flexible by anticipating the course of future events, and is less likely to become a captive reactor--as the authors believe is now the case. An example of strategic planning at General Elecric is cited.  相似文献   

7.
We focus on corporate political connections as a critical nonmarket strategy and propose that political ties can facilitate firms’ strategic competitive actions but may also hurt the outcomes of such actions, depending on whether the ties are associated to central versus local political actors. Studying China's television manufacturers at the onset of deregulation and globalization, we find that central and local political ties have contrasting effects on firms’ competitive actions and their performance outcomes. To further shed light on theoretical mechanisms, we examine the impact of China's WTO accession on firm actions and contrast domestic-based and internationalization competitive actions.  相似文献   

8.
中共十六届四中全会通过的《关于加强党的执政能力建设的决定》明确提出必须努力“建设学习型政党”的战略任务.中共十七届四中全会进一步提出“把建设马克思主义学习型政党作为重大而紧迫的战略任务抓紧抓好”。文章主要从提高领导干部的素质和提高全党思想政治水平两个方面探讨了如何建设马克思主义学习型政党这一重要课题。  相似文献   

9.
Abstract

Brands are strategic assets and key to achieving a competitive advantage. Brands can be seen as a heuristic device, encapsulating a series of values that enable the consumer to make quick and efficient choices. More recently, the notion of a political brand and the rhetoric of branding have been widely adopted by many political parties as they seek to differentiate themselves, and this has led to an emerging interest in the idea of the political brand. Therefore, this paper examines the UK Conservative Party brand under David Cameron’s leadership and examines the applicability of Kapferer’s brand identity prism to political branding. This paper extends and operationalises the brand identity prism into a ‘political brand identity network’ which identifies the inter-relatedness of the components of the corporate political brand and the candidate political brand. Crucial for practitioners, this model can demonstrate how the brand is presented and communicated to the electorate and serves as a useful mechanism to identify consistency within the corporate and candidate political brands.  相似文献   

10.
Many tensions exist within the nexus of corporate social responsibility, competitive strategy, and political activity. Previously, these aspects of strategic management have been considered in relative isolation or at best in pairs. Accordingly, an attempt is made here to set out a general strategic problem of the corporation, in which all three aspects are combined. This project reveals a particular need to explicate the political assumptions held by or on behalf of the corporation. Examples might include the classical liberal model, global hypercompetition, or variants of the stakeholder model. The project also reinforces the broader notion that when one adopts the perspective of a corporate strategist, one can sometimes find potentially productive ways of reframing issues in ethics, economics, and politics.  相似文献   

11.
Based on inductive qualitative multiple case studies of MNE subsidiaries in a sub-Saharan African market, this study investigates how multiple political networking capabilities are developed and leveraged to institutionalize protection for strategic internationally transferrable intangible assets in weak institutional environments. The study finds that MNE subsidiaries use a three-phase process to institutionalize protection for intangible assets: diagnosis of the nature of transaction costs and risks in the weak institutional environment (Phase 1); development of political networking capabilities to generate multiple political resources (Phase 2); and leveraging of a multiplicity of political resources to institutionalize protection for internationally transferable intangible assets (Phase 3). The study concludes that an ability to develop and leverage political networking capabilities to recombine multiple political resources enables MNE subsidiaries to institutionalize protection for internationally intangible assets in challenging host-market institutional environments. The wider theoretical, managerial, and public-policy complications of these findings are discussed, and avenues for future research proposed.  相似文献   

12.
Political strategies are a crucial matter for MNEs in the context of globalization. We argue that MNEs’ influence on political decision-making depends on their insertion into policy networks, which define the institutional framework and the interaction patterns of business/government relations in different issue-areas. Then, we propose a stylized taxonomy regarding the differentiation of MNEs’ political leverage in various domains, at a home country level. Finally, we explore the influence of political power at home on MNEs’ strategic approaches to the host countries, taking into account the bargaining power of local actors in the concerned issue-areas.  相似文献   

13.
ABSTRACT

Public institutions, such as emergency services, face unique operational challenges because they do not have a clear profit motive, operate in a political system as opposed to a market system, and have a fragmented authority structure. This study applies traditional operations and service strategy theory to the not-for-profit, public sector context. Synthesizing research from these theoretical domains, a contingency framework is developed to determine the effect of environmental uncertainty and strategic choices on operational capabilities in emergency services under different governance structures. Operations strategy research traditionally uses survey-based measures, while emergency services research focuses on mathematical modeling techniques. In contrast, this study analyzes archival data with 9800 emergency incidents using hierarchical regression. The results support that in the public not-for-profit context, strategic choices mediate the impact of environmental uncertainty on operational capability. Furthermore, governance structure moderates the impact of environmental uncertainty and strategic choices.  相似文献   

14.
《Business History》2012,54(3):348-366
During the 1950s, many observers regarded the expansion of Soviet oil exports as a serious threat to Western political and economic interests. Finland was the first non-communist European country that started to buy Soviet oil on a large scale. This made the country vulnerable to Soviet political pressure. An examination of the Finnish case indicates that Anglo-American governments adopted a much more complex attitude towards the emergence of the Soviet Union as an exporter of oil than the Cold War rhetoric would suggest. The US and British governments were not automatically willing to support their oil companies or to try to block Soviet oil exports. Instead of seeing Soviet oil exports to Finland simply as a threat to Western interests, the Foreign Office and the State Department considered the precise implications that Finnish purchases of Soviet oil would have on Western strategic interests on a case-by-case basis. Many other government departments were more interested in promoting their own departmental interests.  相似文献   

15.
This study investigates how the complex institutional environment surrounding foreign-invested firms (FIEs) affects their corporate political strategies (CPS) in China. Analyses of data on 442 FIEs operating in China show that the relative potency of dual institutional pressure from FIEs’ home and host countries shapes their strategic choices. Institutional factors at the country, region, and firm levels not only affect firms’ adoption of multiple firm-based tactics but also shape their collective-oriented associational activities. Moreover, participation in both foreign and domestic business associations enhances an FIE's adoption of firm-based political tactics, but joining domestic business associations has a stronger effect.  相似文献   

16.
康俊 《江苏商论》2014,(7):56-59
战略选择是一个非常复杂、含义广泛的决策过程,而复杂的决策是管理团队许多决策行为相互作用的结果,研究行为整合在决策过程中的作用机制对战略管理理论、高层梯队理论和行为决策理论有重要的意义。根据行为决策理论,提出了决策行为、行为整合对决策绩效影响的假设模型。实证研究表明,在决策过程中,程序理性和直觉行为正向影响决策绩效,行为整合可以加强这两种决策行为的正向作用;政治行为负向影响决策绩效,行为整合可以削弱政治行为的负向作用。  相似文献   

17.
This study explores the role of diverse home country support for the internationalization of emerging market firms through a coevolutionary approach. A coevolutionary approach can improve our understanding of the complexities of comprehensive institutional transition in emerging market economies which allows firms to adapt and leverage institutional support for internationalization. Based on institutional theory and the strategic choice perspective, we present a coevolutionary model of mutualism and competition among businesses, government officials and industry players through multidirectional interactions. Our research offers an alternative and nuanced explanation of selective and relevant home country support, the role of independence of firms, support criteria and reinforcement of governance for internationalization of emerging market firms. This study contributes to the literature of home country support for internationalization through an enrichment of the institutional framework and strategic choice with a political perspective.  相似文献   

18.
Tourism has become a salient sector in the economic‐development strategies of North Africa, despite the fact that the states of the region have met with varying degrees of success in their attempts to expand and develop their tourism sectors. This article adopts a political‐economy approach to the analysis of tourism in North Africa. Its aims are to highlight the main aspects of the region's political economy that have influenced outcomes in the tourism sector of each country, and then to explain the political dynamics that underlie the tourism sectors of the region. This article asserts that all North African states now have embraced tourism—albeit with varying amounts of enthusiasm—as a key economic industry. It examines the relationship between tourism and economic reform in the region, followed by the political dynamics of the sector, arguing that tourism is a very political affair, but for reasons different than in other sectors of the economy. It concludes with some observations on the strategic and developmental challenges that confront the development of tourism in North Africa. © 2000 John Wiley & Sons, Inc.  相似文献   

19.
贸易政策是一种特殊的公共产品。在西方三权分立的西方政治架构制约下,一国贸易政策的形成和决定过程受国家核心利益、行业利益集团以及贸易对手策略等因素的制约和影响。其中,国家核心利益决定贸易政策基本性质和属性,而行业利益集团对贸易政策的偏向产生明显影响,从而导致贸易政策在一定程度上偏离福利目标。另外,贸易对手的策略性行为对一国贸易政策的制定具有重要的牵制作用。  相似文献   

20.
Two ways that oil exports from the Middle East can be disrupted in the current political climate are sanctions on Iran and Iran blockading the Strait of Hormuz. In considering the impact that these actions might have on the United States and other oil importers, it is important to consider such factors as characteristics of the blocked oil, how other exporters might react, and the possible release by importers of strategic reserves. The paper also provides some historical perspective on how past supply disruptions were resolved.  相似文献   

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