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Technology transfer is an important channel of technological change and sustainable development for countries with less innovative ability than technological leaders. This paper studies whether domestic environmental policies affect the inward technology transfer of cleaner innovation from abroad. We focus specifically on the power sector, for its important role in the decarbonization process, by looking at zero-carbon (renewable) and carbon-saving (efficient fossil) technologies for energy production. Using data on cross-country patent applications, we provide evidence that environmental policy contributes to attracting foreign cleaner technology options to OECD markets but not to non-OECD markets. We show that this is due to the nature of the implemented policy instruments. Market-based approaches positively impact technology transfer to both OECD and non-OECD economies, while non-market based approaches have at best only a weak effect in OECD countries. Domestic environmental policies may provide too weak a signal for foreign innovators in countries off the technological frontier. This calls for a strengthening of policy incentives for technology transfer in light of pressing climate change objectives. 相似文献
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Environmental and Resource Economics - This paper analyzes the stability of international environmental agreements in a dynamic game when the generation of both renewables and fossil fuel based... 相似文献
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This paper explores the implications of the possibility of a shift in environmental damages on the participation in environmental treaties. Using a two‐period model where the probability of a regime shift increases in the first‐period pollution stock, we examine the issue of coalition formation under both fixed and dynamic membership. Our analysis suggests that endogenous uncertainty may increase participation. We find that full cooperation may be sustained, but only in the presence of endogenous uncertainty. Interestingly, when the shift in the environmental damage is large enough, the model provides a way to solve the “puzzle of small coalitions” found in the literature related to international environmental agreements. We also find that in period 1 (period 2) endogenous uncertainty leads to a lower (higher) pollution stock under dynamic membership as compared to the fixed membership case. 相似文献
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Matthew McGinty 《Environmental and Resource Economics》2010,45(2):251-269
This paper applies evolutionary game theory to international environmental agreements (IEAs). Contrary to stage game models
(Barrett in J Theor Politics 11:519–541, 1999, Eur Econ Rev 45:1835–1850, 2001), in an evolutionary equilibrium (EE) no signatory
prefers to be outside the IEA and the EE is robust to trembles. With two populations, there is a unique interior EE when there
is decreasing returns to abatement and small asymmetry in the externality differences across populations. At the interior
EE, transfers from the poor to the rich can increase payoffs for all nations, but come at the expense of greater payoff inequality.
Transfers can also eliminate the basin of attraction for the payoff inferior EE with decreasing returns to abatement and large
asymmetry. Thus IEAs, such as the Kyoto Treaty, predicated on the polluter-pays and ability-to-pay principles may result in
Pareto inferior outcomes. 相似文献
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The stability of International Environmental Agreements (IEA) is analyzed by using game theory. The integrated assessment model FUND provides the cost-benefit payoff functions of pollution abatement for sixteen different world regions. The farsighted stability concept of Chwe (1994) is used and solved by combinatorial algorithms. Farsighted stability assumes perfect foresight of the players and predicts which coalitions can be formed when players are farsighted. All farsightedly stable coalitions are found, and their improvement to environment and welfare is considerable. The farsightedly stable coalitions are refined further to preferred farsightedly stable coalitions, which are coalitions where the majority of coalition members reach higher profits in comparison with any other farsightedly stable coalitions. Farsightedly stable coalitions contribute more to the improvement of environment and welfare in comparison to D'Aspremont et al.'s (1983) stable ones. Considering multiple farsighted stable coalitions, participation in coalitions for environmental protection is significantly increased, which is an optimistic result of our game theoretical model. 相似文献
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Kimiko Terai 《Environmental and Resource Economics》2012,53(2):297-308
We examine how international coordination among countries generates a trend towards establishing an international institution for the provision of global public goods. In the present model, the forces creating international agreement are a politician??s motive for re-election and a financial mechanism for compliance. If a politician expects another politician in a neighboring country to signal his good performance to his citizen by participating in the agreement, and is aware that his ex post deviation will be deterred by the financial mechanism, he too decides to participate in the agreement, which then corrects externality problems. 相似文献
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A Dynamic Model for International Environmental Agreements 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:1
In this paper we develop a model that uses a dynamic framework to analyze the process through which countries join international
environmental agreements (IEAs). In the model, while all countries suffer from the same environmental damage as a result of
total global emissions, non-signatory countries decide on their emission levels by maximizing their own welfare, whereas signatory
countries decide on their emission levels by maximizing the aggregate welfare of all signatory countries. It is assumed that
signatory countries will be able to punish non-signatories, at some cost to themselves. When countries decide on their pollution
emissions, they account for the evolution of the stock of pollution over time. Moreover, we propose a mechanism to describe
how countries reach a stable IEA. The model is able to capture situations characterized by partial cooperation within an IEA
that is stable over time. It also captures situations where all countries participate in a stable agreement, and situations
where no stable agreement is feasible. Where more than one possibility coexist, the long-term outcome of the game depends
on the initial conditions (i.e., the initial number of signatory countries and pollution level). 相似文献
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This paper concerns the formation of International Environmental Agreements under uncertainty about environmental damage with different models of learning (complete learning, partial learning or no learning). The results of the existing literature are generally pessimistic: the possibility of either complete or partial learning generally reduces the level of global welfare that can be achieved from forming an IEA relative to no learning. That literature regards uncertainty as a parameter common to all countries, so that countries are identical ex ante as well as ex post. In this paper we extend the literature to the case where there is no correlation between damage costs across countries; each country is uncertain about a particular parameter (in our case the benefit-cost ratio) drawn from a common distribution but, ex post, each country’s realized parameter value is independently drawn. Consequently, while countries remain identical ex ante, they may be heterogeneous ex post. We show that this change reinforces the negative conclusions about the effects of partial learning on international environmental agreements, but, under certain conditions, moderates the negative conclusions about the effects of complete learning. 相似文献
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In this paper we examine the formation of international environmental agreements (IEAs). We show that the welfare of the signatories does not increase monotonically with respect to the number of signatories. We provide an analytical solution of the leadership model. In particular, we find that if the number of countries is greater than four then there exists a unique stable IEA with either two, three, or four signatories. Furthermore, we show that the welfare of the signatories is almost at its lowest level when the IEA is stable. While in our model each country's choice variable is emissions, we extend our results to the case where the choice variable is abatement efforts. 相似文献
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兰竹虹 《生态经济(学术版)》2008,(11)
随着世界经济的飞速发展,环境污染和生态破坏日益全球化.世界各国纷纷签订各种国际环境协定,希望通过加强国际合作,共同采取措施来解决全球环境问题.本文对国际环境双边和多边协定的制定和签署进行了经济效应分析,指出国际环境协定的实施将对各国总体的经济福利、国际资本流动、各国国际竞争力、产业结构调整以及环保科技进步等方面产生深远的影响. 相似文献
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国际投资协定中的环境条款述评 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
马迅 《生态经济(学术版)》2012,(7):39-46
近年来,越来越多的国际投资协定开始纳入环境条款。这些条款包含概括性地提及环境保护的条款、确认缔约国采取环境规制措施的权利以及不降低环境标准的义务的条款、例外条款、环境保护的程序性条款、处理投资协定与环境协定的关系的条款、有关投资者及其投资的环境义务的条款等类型;这些环境条款的内容也更加具体,约束力有所增强,发展中国家也更多参与,并出现了从约束国家到约束跨国公司的萌芽。然而,这些环境条款的弱点也非常明显,不仅从总体上环境条款的数量不足,而且现存条款也具有效力不高、用语软弱等等弱点,使得大多数环境条款只能处于"软法"地位。 相似文献
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Self-enforcing International Environmental Agreements with Costly Monitoring for Compliance 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:1
Theoretical analyses of international environmental agreements (IEAs) have often employed the concept of self-enforcing agreements to predict the number of parties to such an agreement. The term self-enforcing, however, is a bit misleading. The concept refers to the stability of cooperative agreements, not to enforcing compliance
with these agreements once they are in place. In this paper we analyze an IEA game in which parties to an agreement finance
an independent monitor who audits the compliance performance of the members of an agreement. These audits reveal instances
of noncompliance so they can be sanctioned. We find that costly monitoring of compliance limits the circumstances under which
international cooperation to protect the environment is worthwhile, but when IEAs do form they will often involve greater
participation than IEAs that do not require costly monitoring. Consequently, costly monitoring of IEAs can produce higher
international environmental quality. Moreover, under certain conditions, aggregate welfare is higher when IEAs require costly
monitoring.
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We analyse the incentives for polluting firms to diffuse and adopt advanced abatement technology in a framework in which governments negotiate an international environmental agreement. These incentives crucially depend on whether the underlying environmental policy instrument is an emission tax or an emission quota. The results for the international setting fundamentally differ from those for the national setting that have been elaborated upon in the earlier literature. In particular, equilibrium diffusion and adoption of advanced abatement technology are not necessarily optimal under the tax regime and may be even lower than those under the quota regime. 相似文献
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白艳萍 《生态经济(学术版)》2013,(2):54-58
国际环境协议是近年来环境经济学和应用博弈论中最引人注目的热点研究领域。前人的研究只建立在同质性国家基础上。从经济学角度建立异质国家模型,考虑国家在国际环境协议中成本和收益为异质的情况下,利用博弈论理论推导排放博弈和联盟博弈中的纳什均衡,得出几点重要结论。 相似文献
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Voluntary Environmental Agreements and Competition Policy 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Markus A. Lehmann 《Environmental and Resource Economics》2004,28(4):435-449
Voluntary environmental agreements are oftensuspected to promote collusive practicesbetween participating firms. The paperaddresses the antitrust implications ofGermany's voluntary Dual Management System forPackaging Waste Collection and Recycling (DSD). It uses analytical tools of the economictheory of the firm to examine features ofDSD's governance structure that were oftenidentified to impede competition. While thepaper does not argue that DSD performs asefficiently as a hypothetical solution in amore competitive setting, it shows that thesefeatures have an economic rationale from theviewpoint of the theory of the firm. Thegeneral conclusion is that it is necessary tocarefully analyze the institutional fine-tuningof a voluntary agreement in order to derive theoverall impact stemming from a formal lack ofcompetition. A more case-to-case-oriented,institutional research approach could thereforefruitfully supplement model-driven, theoreticalanalyses of voluntary environmental agreementsand their effect on market competition. 相似文献