共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
With the passing of Jamie Mackie in April 2011, the intellectual and policy community in Australia lost a scholar, mentor and advocate who charted understandings of Indonesia, Southeast Asia and Australia's relations with Asia for over half a century. Mackie provided effective leadership and quiet inspiration for the development of Indonesian and Asian studies in three of Australia's top universities and throughout the nation. His intellectual contribution ranged across politics, international relations and economics. He urged students, fellow scholars, policy makers and the broader community to remember the historical basis of events in the region, strove to understand what ‘makes things tick’ in Indonesia and promoted racial tolerance in Australia. His style was low-key and personal, mentoring individuals and bringing together groups of like-minded people. While not dodging difficult issues, he was generally optimistic that sensible and sensitive approaches would enable Australia to live in greater harmony with its neighbours. 相似文献
2.
3.
4.
5.
Leanor Boulin Johnson 《The Review of Black Political Economy》1989,17(3):69-85
The interrelationship of job stressors, job strain, and marital strain among black police officers is examined using a “Work-Family
Tension Model.” Perceived job stressors, such as differential treatment based on racial status, tended to affect job strain.
Furthermore, job stressors (direct/indirect) and job strain tended to influence the level of marital interaction and potential
for separation and divorce. The implications these findings have for work organizations are discussed. 相似文献
6.
The high unemployment rate of black high school graduates can create the perception that a diploma is of little value and encourage dropping-out of school. Black youth who do drop out are less employable and further push up the black youth unemployment rate. This raises a question: Is the high dropout rate of black youth due to their high unemployment rate or is their high unemployment rate due to their high dropout rate? A study of this question using the definition of Granger-causality finds that it is the high unemployment rate which causes the high dropout rate rather than the opposite. 相似文献
7.
8.
9.
Monte Piliawsky 《The Review of Black Political Economy》1985,13(4):5-23
Conclusion Dutch Morial is deeply respected by the New Orleans black community. According to a poll conducted in April 1983 by Rose-Stekler
Associates, 80% of the black respondents gave Morial “excellent” or “good” job ratings, compared to only 11% who found him
doing a “fair” or “poor” job. Despite very limited resourses, the Morial mayoralty has facilitated the entrance of the black
middle class into the governmental process, providing access to city contracts and administrative positions. On the other
hand, the black underclass has received meager rewards in the form of employment or a reduction in police brutality. Hopefully,
economic development, in the long-run, will create jobs and provide additional city revenue to fund services for the poor.
But for now, the primary impact of a black mayor on the black community of New Orleans has been symbolic kinds of benefits.
Yet the potential positive benefits of a black mayor serving as a role model for black youth, as well as the value of civil
rights rhetoric in fostering hopefulness and a more self-reliant black community, should not be underestimated. The characterization
of the status of the civil rights movement in 1983 offered by C. T. Vivian, head of the Anti-Klan Network, well applies to
New Orleans black community today: “Everything has changed and nothing has changed. The statistics are still terrible. But
the atmosphere is totally different.”49 相似文献
10.
Wilhelmina A. Leigh 《The Review of Black Political Economy》1991,19(3-4):5-28
This article explores the relationship between civil rights legislation and the housing status of black Americans. An economic
and judicial history of the pursuit of fair housing (or equal opportunity in access to housing) is provided for two major
periods-from the late 1800s to the 1950s, and from the years of the civil rights movement to the present. An exploration of
the housing status of black Americans throughout these periods follows, in which measures such as crowdedness and tenure-attributable
partly to inequality in access to housing—are examined, and comparisons of black and whites are made. 相似文献
11.
12.
13.
14.
William L. Trombetta 《The Review of Black Political Economy》1977,7(4):364-372
Conclusions Many of the following comments are meant to generate hypotheses for future research on the subject investigated here; they should not be taken as based on facts generated from some broader study of the problems facing minority entrepreneurs. 相似文献
15.
16.
17.
18.
Marshall H. Medoff 《The Review of Black Political Economy》1977,7(2):176-182
Conclusion The allegation that Blacks are reluctant to invest in apprenticeship training programs because of a lower return on investment appears unfounded. It has been shown that the smaller amounts of self-investment by Blacks is due to the monopoly power a trade union has to exclude individuals on the basis of race. 相似文献
19.
Roger C. Williams 《The Review of Black Political Economy》1994,23(1):95-112
While several previous studies have analyzed the intrarace differences in repayment patterns among white mortgagors, few have
analyzed whether such differences occur among blacks. Much of the previous literature provides only aggregated information
about black mortgagors. This research is offered as a step in filling this gap in the literature. The results indicate that
there are systematic differences in repayment patterns among black mortgagors related primarily to occupation and household
composition. 相似文献