长三角汽车产业集群研究

我国汽车产业必须实施产业集群的发展战略。本文在对汽车产业集群竞争优势分析的基础上,分析了长三角实施汽车产业集群的优势,并对现状进行了分析,提出了促进产业集群的思路与对策。     

积极推进和谐文明乡镇建设

近年来，甘肃省玉门镇立足地处市政府驻地的经济区位优势和312国道、兰新铁路复线、嘉安高速公路横贯全境的交通地理优势，以及国家规划建设的大型风电基地、培育形成的全省较大的啤酒原料产业集群经济发展优势，审时度势，因地制宜地确立了“项目立镇、产业富民、党建强身、和谐育人”的农村经济发展思路，坚持四轮联动、四驾并驱，努力提高全镇经济社会发展质量，     

欠发达地区承接产业梯度转移的冷思考

当前，许多欠发达地区英雄所见略同地纷纷提出要接轨沿海发达地区．争做发达地区的产业梯度转移基地。这一思路所依据的是经济学中的产业梯度转移理论。按照理论设想，发达地区和大中城市先发展起来，进入更高层次的发展阶段之后．一些低层次的如劳动密集型产业会因当地劳动力成本的上升。不再具备竞争优势而渐次向欠发达和不发达地区转移，从而带动所有地区的共同发展。     

构筑特色产业群推动陕西经济跨越式发展

产业集群是区域竞争优势的源泉,已成为发达国家、发达地区产业成长的一个显著特征。因此,它为区域经济发展,尤其是西部欠发达地区经济发展提供了一个很好的发展思路。本文认为应抓住西部大开发和国家政策扶植的机遇,依靠聚集的企业,利用陕西省高校众多的科研资源,推进资源优势向竞争优势转化,促进陕西经济跨越式发展,为中国经济的腾飞做出贡献。     

发挥国防科技工业优势促进地方经济发展

国防科技工业是事关国家安全的战略性产业，其强弱是衡量一个国家综合国力的重要标志。随着形势的变化和经济的发展，如何充分发挥国家长期投入形成的国防科技工业产业和技术优势，在地方经济发展中作出新的更大的贡献，是进一步促进和实现国防建设与经济建设协调发展的重要途径。重庆作为国家国防科技工业的重要基地，如何发挥国防科技工业的优势，对于促进地方经济发展，有着特别重要的现实意义。     

基于动态比较优势的山东省加工贸易最优产业布局设计

文章探讨比较优势的动态转移与加工贸易产业结构升级之间的影响关系,分析山东省加工贸易相关要素比较优势的变迁。认为应该根据比较优势调整山东省加工贸易产业布局。建议将山东省加工贸易基地分为高端制造基地、技术研发基地、普通制造基地、劳动密集型产业基地、物流金融基地、特色产业基地等层次,并采取适当的引导性政策,从而促进山东省加工贸易产业布局的优化,更好的发挥比较优势,实现劳动密集型与技术密集型加工贸易的共同发展。     

礼县发展农民专业合作社的情况综述

正礼县坚持把发展农民专业合作社作为促进特色产业开发、增加农民收入、健全农业服务组织的桥梁,积极探索"统一指导、多元创办、政府扶持、市场运作"模式,大力推进农民专业合作社建设,有力地促进了农业特色产业提质增效。一、依托产业,科学规划,营造合作社发展的浓厚氛围礼县坚持以产业为载体,紧紧围绕"北果南椒、整县畜牧、高山药材、川坝蔬菜"特色产业发展思路,明确了以优势主导产业为重点,以标准化、规模化基地建设为基础,以龙头企业和专业合作组织为纽带,着力构建"三产区、四基     

港口物流基地与信息化建设状况分析——以浙江省舟山市为例

本文主要分析了浙江省舟山市目前的物流产业发展状况和物流信息化建设情况,提出了舟山发展物流基地的地域优势、港口物流发展思路及对舟山产业发展的重要意义。     

充分发挥比较优势 加快发展县域经济——对云南省大理州县域经济发展的思考

发展县域经济在边疆民族地区全面建设小康社会的战略中占有极为重要的地位。加快发展县域经济，必须顺应经济社会发展的趋势，以市场为导向、资源为依托、效益为核心，立足于充分发挥比较优势，积极构建特色产业和优势产业，确立科学的发展思路和重点，采取有力措施，加快资源优势向产业优势和经济优势转化，促进县域经济的可持续发展和全面建设小康社会目标的早日实现。     

对铁岭市发展主导产业的思考

中共辽宁省第九届委员会第六次全体会议提出：加快振兴辽宁老工业基地建设要重点抓好装备制造业和重要原材料工业两大基地建设，同时大力发展具有比较优势的高新技术产业、农产品加工业、现代服务业这三大产业，形成具有辽宁优势和特点的产业格局。“十五”后三年，要围绕建设两大基地、三大产业，研究确定各产业发展的阶段性技术水平和规模     

Prices and industrial transformation

Abstract

One of the contradictions of neo-classical economic theory concerns its view of relative prices. On the one hand it is relative prices that determine the market's equilibrium position and decide what transactions will take place. On the other hand, the pattern of relative prices, or expressed differently the price structure, has been regarded as more or less immutable. Variations in relative prices have been considered short-term phenomena, after which, in time, an adaptation has taken place which has restored the initial situation. The same line of thought was also held by Wesley Mitchell, who in the dispersion of relative prices found a reflection of business cycles, but he maintained that the price system is “yet stable in the essential balance of its interrelations”.¹ F.C. Mills cited Mitchell as his authority in his comprehensive work The Behavior of Prices, and although he felt compelled to raise objections to the inference that relative prices varied rhythmically with the business cycle, he still considered that there was a limit to change in relative prices, i.e. the price structure had a fundamental stability.²     

Counting the industrial revolution

In all my experience … I have found how insecure all details of mere figures are upon which to build an argument. … It is easy to add a little here, and subtract a little there; gently to slip in a figure, it may be a cypher, among your data; slyly to make what seems a reasonable postulate in your premises, but which turns out in the result to be a begging of the question-and behold you gain your point, and triumph, until it is found that your adversary, having access to the same stores of arithmetic, just proves his case and refutes yours with the same facility.'(Lord Brougham, 1849)²     

着力构建现代产业体系

近年来，我国产业结构不断调整优化，产业国际竞争力不断增强。站在新的历史起点上，面对经济全球化与国际产业分工的新格局，实现经济社会又好又快发展对产业结构优化升级提出了更高的要求。现代产业体系可以看作是产业在横向联系上具有均衡性和协调性，在纵向发展上形成完整的产业链，产业具备良好的制度素质、技术素质和劳动力素质，产业结构与消费结构之间形成良性互动，产业发展与资源、环境相协调，与国际产业发展相适应相衔接的产业链完整、优势集聚、竞争力强的产业系统，具有很强的创新性、开放性、协调性、适应性和可持续性等特征。     

Spinning the industrial revolution

The prevailing explanation for why the industrial revolution occurred first in Britain during the last quarter of the eighteenth century is Allen's ‘high wage economy’ view, which claims that the high cost of labour relative to capital and fuel incentivized innovation and the adoption of new techniques. This article presents new empirical evidence on hand spinning before the industrial revolution and demonstrates that there was no such ‘high wage economy’ in spinning, which was a leading sector of industrialization. We quantify the working lives of frequently ignored female and child spinners who were crucial to the British textile industry with evidence of productivity and wages from the late sixteenth to the early nineteenth century. Spinning emerges as a widespread, low‐productivity, low‐wage employment, in which wages did not rise substantially in advance of the introduction of the jenny and water frame. The motivation for mechanization must be sought elsewhere.